rapid reformation of religious beliefs under modern influences.  He sees that the old deities and ideas are being dethroned, and that the responsibility for famines, formerly imputed to the gods, is being cast upon the British Government.  “The British Government,” he says, “having thrown aside these lightning conductors [the old theocratic system], is much more exposed than a native ruler would be to shocks from famines or other wide-spread misfortunes.”  “Where no other authority is recognised, the visible ruler becomes responsible for everything."[44] Fortunately, “policy” of that sort has not prevailed with Indian statesmen in the past, and Britain can still retain self-respect as enlightener and ruler of India.

[Sidenote:  Championing of things Indian.]

The championing of all things Indian is another recent phase of the same national consciousness.  As the work of Britain is depreciated, the heroes, the beliefs, and the practices of India are exalted and defended as such.  Idolatry and caste have their apologists.  At almost every public meeting, according to the late Mr. Monomohun Ghose of Calcutta, he heard the remark made “that the ancient civilisation of India was far superior to that which Europe ever had."[45] In the political lament over a golden past, there is glorification by Hindus of the Mahomedan emperor Akbar, praise of the Native States and their rule as opposed to the condition of British India, and there are apologies for leaders in the Mutiny of 1857.  Much of that is natural and proper patriotism, no doubt, and no one would deny the ancient glories of India or the many admirable characteristics of the people of India to-day.  It is the self-deceiving patriotism, the blind ancestor-worship, of which we are speaking as a phase of modern opinion.  As an instance when Indians certainly did themselves injustice by this spirit, we may single out the celebrated trial in 1897 of the Hon. Mr. Tilak, member of the Legislative Council of the Governor of Bombay.  The Mahrattas of Western India look back to Sivaji as the founder of their political power, which lasted down to 1817, and have lately instituted an annual celebration of Sivaji as the hero of the Mahratta race.  One great blot rests on Sivaji’s career.  In one campaign he invited the Mahomedan general opposing him to a personal conference, and stabbed him while in the act of embracing him.  It was at one of these Sivaji celebrations in 1897 that Mr. Tilak abandoned himself to the pro-Indian and anti-British feeling, glorifying Sivaji’s use of the knife upon foreigners.  “Great men are above common principles of law,” ... he said.  “In killing Afzal Khan did Sivaji sin?” ...  “In the Bhagabat Gita,” he replied to himself, “Krishna has counselled the assassination of even one’s preceptors and blood relations....  If thieves enter one’s house, and one’s wrists have no strength to drive them out, one may without compunction shut them in and burn them.  God Almighty did not give a