the blasts of war and the blight of bankruptcy, would have severely tested the firmest of local institutions; they were certain to wither so delicate an organism as an absolute democracy, which requires peace, prosperity, and infinite patience for its development.  Because France then came to despair of her local self-government, it did not follow that she would fail after Bonaparte’s return had restored her prestige and prosperity.  But the national elan forbade any postponement or compromise; and France forthwith accepted the rule of an able official hierarchy as a welcome alternative to the haphazard acts of local busybodies.  By many able men the change has been hailed as a proof of Bonaparte’s marvellous discernment of the national character, which, as they aver, longs for brilliance, order, and strong government, rather than for the steep and thorny paths of liberty.  Certainly there is much in the modern history of France which supports this opinion.  Yet perhaps these characteristics are due very largely to the master craftsman, who fashioned France anew when in a state of receptivity, and thus was able to subject democracy to that force which alone has been able to tame it—­the mighty force of militarism.

* * * * *

The return to a monarchical policy was nowhere more evident than in the very important negotiations which regulated the relations of Church and State and produced the Concordat or treaty of peace with the Roman Catholic Church.  But we must first look back at the events which had reduced the Roman Catholic Church in France to its pitiable condition.

The conduct of the revolutionists towards the Church of France was actuated partly by the urgent needs of the national exchequer, partly by hatred and fear of so powerful a religious corporation.  Idealists of the new school of thought, and practical men who dreaded bankruptcy, accordingly joined in the assault on its property and privileges:  its tithes were confiscated, the religious houses and their property were likewise absorbed, and its lands were declared to be the lands of the nation.  A budget of public worship was, it is true, designed to support the bishops and priests; but this solemn obligation was soon renounced by the fiercer revolutionists.  Yet robbery was not their worst offence.  In July, 1790, they passed a law called the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, which aimed at subjecting the Church to the State.  It compelled bishops and priests to seek election by the adult males of their several Departments and parishes, and forced them to take a stringent oath of obedience to the new order of things.  All the bishops but four refused to take an oath which set at naught the authority of the Pope:  more than 50,000 priests likewise refused, and were ejected from their livings:  the recusants were termed orthodox or non-juring priests, and by the law of August, 1792, they were exiled from France,