But enough.  Let all who believe that “our fathers who framed the government under which we live understood this question just as well, and even better, than we do now,” speak as they spoke, and act as they acted upon it.  This is all Republicans ask—­all Republicans desire—­in relation to slavery.  As those fathers marked it, so let it be again marked, as an evil not to be extended, but to be tolerated and protected only because of and so far as its actual presence among us makes that toleration and protection a necessity.  Let all the guaranties those fathers gave it be not grudgingly, but fully and fairly, maintained.  For this Republicans contend, and with this, so far as I know or believe, they will be content.

And now, if they would listen—­as I suppose they will not—­I would address a few words to the Southern people.

I would say to them:  You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just people; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and justice you are not inferior to any other people.  Still, when you speak of us Republicans, you do so only to denounce us as reptiles, or, at the best, as no better than outlaws.  You will grant a hearing to pirates or murderers, but nothing like it to “Black Republicans.”  In all your contentions with one another, each of you deems an unconditional condemnation of “Black Republicanism” as the first thing to be attended to.  Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be an indispensable prerequisite—­license, so to speak—­among you to be admitted or permitted to speak at all.

Now, can you, or not, be prevailed upon to pause and to consider whether this is quite just to us, or even to yourselves?

Bring forward your charges and specifications, and then be patient long enough to hear us deny or justify.

You say we are sectional.  We deny it.  That makes an issue; and the burden of proof is upon you.  You produce your proof; and what is it?  Why, that our party has no existence in your section—­gets no votes in your section.  The fact is substantially true; but does it prove the issue?  If it does, then in case we should, without change of principle, begin to get votes in your section, we should thereby cease to be sectional.  You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet, are you willing to abide by it?  If you are, you will probably soon find that we have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get votes in your section this very year.  You will then begin to discover, as the truth plainly is, that your proof does not touch the issue.  The fact that we get no votes in your section is a fact of your making, and not of ours.  And if there be fault in that fact, that fault is primarily yours, and remains so until you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or practice.  If we do repel you by any wrong principle or practice, the fault is ours; but this brings you to where you ought to have started—­to discussion of the right or wrong of our principle.