France in the Nineteenth Century eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 555 pages of information about France in the Nineteenth Century.

France in the Nineteenth Century eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 555 pages of information about France in the Nineteenth Century.
the right of mortmain (i. e., wills made upon death-beds were pronounced thenceforth invalid, so far as bequests to the Church were concerned).  Mexico is a country with eighteen hundred miles of coast-line, but few harbors.  It had in 1860 no railroads, and hardly any highroads of any kind.  Its provinces were semi-independent, its population widely scattered, a large part of it was Indian, a still larger portion consisted of half-breeds; pure-blooded Spaniards were a small minority.  The feeling that stood Mexico in lieu of patriotism was a keen hatred and jealousy of foreigners.  Their very pride still keeps the Mexicans from believing that there can be anything better than what they possess.  Perpetual revolutions had educated the people into habits of lawlessness; and as to dishonesty, rank itself was no guarantee against petty larceny, while in the larger rascalities of peculation, bribe-taking, and political treachery, no nation had ever such opportunities for exercising its national capacity, nor, apparently, did many Mexicans have conscientious scruples as to its display.

Under these circumstances it is no wonder that foreign bondholders complained loudly to their Governments, or that in the general confusion all manner of wrongs to Englishmen, Frenchmen, Austrians, and Spaniards called loudly for redress.  That cry reached the French emperor’s ears.  He proposed to England and Spain that as Mexico had at last got a government under Juarez, an interventionary force should appear off her coast, composed of English, French, and Spanish ships-of-war, and that Mexico should be summoned to redress their common wrongs.

All this was harmless.  The expedition was commanded by the Spanish General Prim; but under the avowed object of demanding a redress of grievances, the Emperor Napoleon concealed a more ambitious aim.  The United States were at war; all their resources were absorbed in civil strife.  The most sagacious statesmen could not foresee that the end of that strife would be to make the country more great, more rich, more formidable; and Napoleon thought it was the very moment for attacking the Monroe doctrine, and for making, as he said, “the Latin race hold equal sway with the Anglo-Saxon over the New World.”  If he meant by the “Latin race” the effete half-Indian, Mexican and South American peoples, which were to be set as rivals against the Anglo-Saxon race, represented by Yankees, Southerners, men of the West, and the English in Canada, he was widely wrong in his calculation; but it is probable that “Latin” was his synonym for “French” in this connection.

The Monroe doctrine, as all Americans know, took its rise from certain words in a Presidential message of Mr. Monroe in 1822, though they were inserted in the message by Mr. Adams.  They were to the effect that the United States would disturb no nation or government at present (i. e., in 1822) existing on the North or South American continent, but that they would oppose all attempts by any European Government whatever to put down any free institutions that were the choice of the people, or to impose upon them any form of government against their will.

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France in the Nineteenth Century from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.