charity out of the realm of a dole into a munificent duty of beneficence.  The habit of industry among free men prepares them to meet the exhaustion of war with increase of productiveness commensurate with the need that exists.  Their habits of skill enable them at once to supply such armies as only freedom can muster, with arms and munitions such as only free industry can create.  Free society is terrible in war, and afterwards repairs the mischief of war with celerity almost as great as that with which the ocean heals the seams gashed in it by the keel of ploughing ships.  Free society is fruitful of military genius.  It comes when called; when no longer needed, it falls back as waves do to the level of the common sea, that no wave may be greater than the undivided water.  With proof of strength so great, yet in its infancy, we stand up among the nations of the world, asking no privileges, asserting no rights, but quietly assuming our place, and determined to be second to none in the race of civilization and religion.  Of all nations we are the most dangerous and the least to be feared.  We need not expound the perils that wait upon enemies that assault us.  They are sufficiently understood!  But we are not a dangerous people because we are warlike.  All the arrogant attitudes of this nation, so offensive to foreign governments, were inspired by slavery, and under the administration of its minions.  Our tastes, our habits, our interests, and our principles, incline us to the arts of peace.  This nation was founded by the common people for the common people.  We are seeking to embody in public economy more liberty, with higher justice and virtue, than have been organized before.  By the necessity of our doctrines, we are put in sympathy with the masses of men in all nations.  It is not our business to subdue nations, but to augment the powers of the common people.  The vulgar ambition of mere domination, as it belongs to universal human nature, may tempt us; but it is withstood by the whole force of our principles, our habits, our precedents, and our legends.  We acknowledge the obligation which our better political principles lay upon us, to set an example more temperate, humane, and just, than monarchical governments can.  We will not suffer wrong, and still less will we inflict it upon other nations.  Nor are we concerned that so many, ignorant of our conflict, for the present, misconceive the reasons of our invincible military zeal.  “Why contend,” say they, “for a little territory that you do not need?” Because it is ours!  Because it is the interest of every citizen to save it from becoming a fortress and refuge of iniquity.  This nation is our house, and our fathers’ house; and accursed be the man who will not defend it to the uttermost.  More territory than we need!  England, that is not large enough to be our pocket, may think that it is more than we need, because it is more than it needs; but we are better judges of what we need than others are.