independence of the Black Sea; and I fear that there
is every chance that this incompetence will be sealed
by our ultimately acknowledging these direct claims
of the United States, which, both as regards principle
and practical results, are fraught with the utmost
danger to this country. Gentlemen, don’t
suppose, because I counsel firmness and decision at
the right moment, that I am of that school of statesmen
who are favorable to a turbulent and aggressive diplomacy.
I have resisted it during a great part of my life.
I am not unaware that the relations of England to
Europe have undergone a vast change during the century
that has just elapsed. The relations of England
to Europe are not the same as they were in the days
of Lord Chatham or Frederick the Great. The
Queen of England has become the sovereign of the most
powerful of Oriental States. On the other side
of the globe there are now establishments belonging
to her, teeming with wealth and population, which
will, in due time, exercise their influence over the
distribution of power. The old establishments
of this country, now the United States of America,
throw their lengthening shades over the Atlantic,
which mix with European waters. These are vast
and novel elements in the distribution of power.
I acknowledge that the policy of England with respect
to Europe should be policy of reserve, but proud reserve;
and in answer to those statesmen—those
mistaken statesmen who have intimated the decay of
the power of England and the decline of its resources,
I express here my confident conviction that there never
was a moment in our history when the power of England
was so great and her resources so vast and inexhaustible.
And yet, gentlemen, it is not merely our fleets and
armies, our powerful artillery, our accumulated capital,
and our unlimited credit on which I so much depend,
as upon that unbroken spirit of her people, which
I believe was never prouder of the imperial country
to which they belong. Gentlemen, it is to that
spirit that I above all things trust. I look
upon the people of Lancashire as fairly representative
of the people of England. I think the manner
in which they have invited me here, locally a stranger,
to receive the expression of their cordial sympathy,
and only because they recognize some effort on my
part to maintain the greatness of their country, is
evidence of the spirit of the land. I must express
to you again my deep sense of the generous manner
in which you have welcomed me, and in which you have
permitted me to express to you my views upon public
affairs. Proud of your confidence, and encouraged
by your sympathy, I now deliver to you, as my last
words, the cause of the Tory party, of the English
constitution, and of the British empire.
THE VENERABLE BEDE (672-735)