of threatening war, if the Treaty of Paris were violated, agreed to arrangements by which the violation of that treaty should be sanctioned by England, and, in the form of a congress, showed themselves guaranteeing their own humiliation.  That Mr. Odo Russell made no mistake is quite obvious, because he has since been selected to be her Majesty’s ambassador at the most important court of Europe.  Gentlemen, what will be the consequence of this extraordinary weakness on the part of the British government it is difficult to foresee.  Already we hear that Sebastopol is to be refortified, nor can any man doubt that the entire command of the Black Sea will soon be in the possession of Russia.  The time may not be distant when we may hear of the Russian power in the Persian Gulf, and what effect that may have upon the dominions of England and upon those possessions on the productions of which you every year more and more depend, are questions upon which it will be well for you on proper occasions to meditate.

I come now to that question which most deeply interests you at this moment, and that is our relations with the United States.  I approved the government referring this question to arbitration.  It was only following the policy of Lord Stanley.  My noble friend disapproved the negotiations being carried on at Washington.  I confess that I would willingly have persuaded myself that this was not a mistake, but reflection has convinced me that my noble friend was right.  I remember the successful negotiation of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty by Sir Henry Bulwer.  I flattered myself that treaties at Washington might be successfully negotiated; but I agree with my noble friend that his general view was far more sound than my own.  But no one, when that commission was sent forth, for a moment could anticipate the course of its conduct under the strict injunctions of the government.  We believed that commission was sent to ascertain what points should be submitted to arbitration, to be decided by the principles of the law of nations.  We had not the slightest idea that that commission was sent with power and instructions to alter the law of nations itself.  When that result was announced, we expressed our entire disapprobation; and yet trusting to the representations of the government that matters were concluded satisfactorily, we had to decide whether it were wise, if the great result was obtained, to wrangle upon points however important, such as those to which I have referred.

Gentlemen, it appears that, though all parts of England were ready to make those sacrifices, the two negotiating States—­the government of the United Kingdom and the government of the United States—­placed a different interpretation upon the treaty when the time had arrived to put its provisions into practice.  Gentlemen, in my mind, and in the opinion of my noble friend near me, there was but one course to take under the circumstances, painful as it might be, and that