of the country and for the public good; yet we thought
that it was a body founded upon privilege and not
upon right. It is, therefore, in the noblest
and properest sense of the word, an aristocratic body,
and from that characteristic the Reform Bill of 1832
did not derogate; and if at this moment we could contrive,
as we did in 1859, to add considerably to the number
of the constituent body, we should not change that
characteristic, but it would still remain founded upon
an aristocratic principle. Well, now the Secretary
of State [Sir G. Grey] has addressed us to-night in
a very remarkable speech. He also takes up the
history of Reform, and before I touch upon some of
the features of that speech it is my duty to refer
to the statements which he made with regard to the
policy which the government of Lord Derby was prepared
to assume after the general election. By a total
misrepresentation of the character of the amendment
proposed by Lord John Russell, which threw the government
of 1858 into a minority, and by quoting a passage
from a very long speech of mine in 1859, the right
honorable gentleman most dexterously conveyed these
two propositions to the house—first, that
Lord John Russell had proposed an amendment to our
Reform Bill, by which the house declared that no bill
could be satisfactory by which the working classes
were not admitted to the franchise—one
of our main objects being that the working classes
should in a great measure be admitted to the franchise;
and, secondly, that after the election I was prepared,
as the organ of the government, to give up all the
schemes for those franchises founded upon personal
property, partial occupation, and other grounds, and
to substitute a bill lowering the borough qualification.
That conveyed to the house a totally inaccurate idea
of the amendment of Lord John Russell. There
was not a single word in that amendment about the
working classes. There was not a single phrase
upon which that issue was raised, nor could it have
been raised, because our bill, whether it could have
effected the object or not, was a bill which proposed
greatly to enfranchise the working classes.
And as regards the statement I made, it simply was
this. The election was over—we were
still menaced, but we, still acting according to our
sense of duty, recommended in the royal speech that
the question of a reform of Parliament should be dealt
with; because I must be allowed to remind the house
that whatever may have been our errors, we proposed
a bill which we intended to carry. And having
once taken up the question as a matter of duty, no
doubt greatly influenced by what we considered the
unhappy mistakes of our predecessors, and the difficult
position in which they had placed Parliament and the
country, we determined not to leave the question until
it had been settled. But although still menaced,
we felt it to be our duty to recommend to her Majesty
to introduce the question of reform when the Parliament