The fact is this—in the representation of
this country you do not depend on population or on
property merely, or on both conjoined; you have to
see that there is something besides population and
property—you have to take care that the
country itself is represented. That is one reason
why I am opposed to the second reading of the bill.
There is another objection which I have to this bill
brought forward by the honorable member for Leeds,
and that is, that it is brought forward by the member
for Leeds. I do not consider this a subject
which ought to be intrusted to the care and guidance
of any independent member of this house. If there
be one subject more than another that deserves the
consideration and demands the responsibility of the
government, it certainly is the reconstruction of
our parliamentary system; and it is the government
or the political party candidates for power, who recommend
a policy, and who will not shrink from the responsibility
of carrying that policy into effect if the opportunity
be afforded to them, who alone are qualified to deal
with a question of this importance. But, sir,
I shall be told, as we have been told in a previous
portion of the adjourned debate, that the two great
parties of the State cannot be trusted to deal with
this question, because they have both trifled with
it. That is a charge which has been made repeatedly
during this discussion and on previous occasions,
and certainly a graver one could not be made in this
house. I am not prepared to admit that even
our opponents have trifled with this question.
We have had a very animated account by the right
honorable gentleman who has just addressed us as to
what may be called the Story of the Reform Measures.
It was animated, but it was not accurate. Mine
will be accurate, though I fear it will not be animated.
I am not prepared to believe that English statesmen,
though they be opposed to me in politics, and may
sit on opposite benches, could ever have intended
to trifle with this question. I think that possibly
they may have made great mistakes in the course which
they took; they may have miscalculated, they may have
been misled; but I do not believe that any men in
this country, occupying the posts, the eminent posts,
of those who have recommended any reconstruction of
our parliamentary system in modern days, could have
advised a course which they disapproved. They
may have thought it perilous, they may have thought
it difficult, but though they may have been misled
I am convinced they must have felt that it was necessary.
Let me say a word in favor of one with whom I have
had no political connection, and to whom I have been
placed in constant opposition in this house when he
was an honored member of it—I mean Lord
Russell. I cannot at all agree with the lively
narrative of the right honorable gentleman, according
to which Parliamentary Reform was but the creature
of Lord John Russell, whose cabinet, controlled by
him with the vigor of a Richelieu, at all times disapproved