The Liberation of Italy eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 445 pages of information about The Liberation of Italy.

The Liberation of Italy eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 445 pages of information about The Liberation of Italy.

ROME, THE CAPITAL

1867-1870

M. Rouher’s ’Never’—­Papal Infallibility—­Sedan—­The Breach in Porta
Pia—­The King of Italy in Rome.

Mentana had its epilogue in the debate in the French Corps Legislatif, which lasted from the 2nd to the 5th of December.  Jules Favre proposed a vote of censure on the Ministry for their Roman policy.  The most distinguished speaker who followed him was Thiers, who said that though in opposition, he would support the Government tooth and nail in their defence of French interests at Rome.  The debate was wound up by the memorable declaration of the Prime Minister, Rouher, that ‘never’ should Italy get possession of Rome.  ‘Is that clear?’ he asked.  It was quite clear.  The word escaped him, he afterwards said, in ‘the heat of improvisation.’  The French Chamber confirmed it by throwing out Favre’s motion by 237 votes against 17.

Now, indeed, the Ultramontanes were jubilant throughout the world. 
Napoleon was compromised, enmeshed beyond extrication.

Of all these events, Prussia, or rather the great man who was the brain of Prussia, took attentive note.  He was convinced that the wonders accomplished by the Chassepot at Mentana would soon lead France to try the effect of the new rifle on larger game.  Among the measures which he took with a view to that contingency, his correspondence with Mazzini is not the least remarkable.  It began in November 1867, and was continued for a year.  The object of both Bismarck and Mazzini was to prevent Italy from taking sides with France.  The negotiations were carried on partly through Count d’Usedom, Prussian Minister at Florence, and partly through other intermediaries.  Mazzini began by saying, that although the Chancellor’s methods of unification had not his sympathy, he admired his energy, tenacity and independence; that he believed in German unity and opposed the supremacy which France arrogated to herself in Europe.  He engaged to use his influence in Italy to make it difficult for an Italian Government to take up arms for the victors of Mentana.  Bismarck was well aware that in speaking of his influence the writer used no idle phrase, but possibly one of his reasons for continuing the correspondence was to find out what Mazzini knew of the hidden plots and counter plots then in manufacture both in Paris and at Florence, because the Italian was more conversant with diplomatic secrets than any man living, except, perhaps, Cardinal Antonelli.  In April 1868, Mazzini received through the Prussian Embassy at Florence, a document which even now possesses real interest on the relative advantages to Italy of a French or German Alliance.  The whole question turned, observed the Prussian Chancellor, on the mastery of the Mediterranean:  here France and Italy must find themselves at variance whether they willed it or not.  ’The configuration of the terrestrial globe not being amenable to change, they will be always rivals and often enemies.’  Nature has thrown between them an apple of discord, the possession of which they will not cease to contest.  The Mediterranean ought to become an Italian lake.  ’It is impossible for Italy to put up with the perpetual threats of France to obtain the mastery over Tunis, which would be for her the first stage to arriving in Sardinia.’

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The Liberation of Italy from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.