That will we find in the song of the poets and the ideas of the political writers, who know how to use a language harmonious with a universal sentiment or with a sentiment capable of becoming universal.  In the case of Italy, in all our bards, philosophers and leaders, from Alfieri to Foscolo, from Leopardi to Manzoni, from Mazzini to Gioberti, we are able to pick up the threads of a new fabric, which is a new kind of thought, a new kind of soul, a new kind of Italy.  This new Italy differed from the old Italy in something that was very simple but yet was of the greatest importance:  this new Italy took life seriously, while the old one did not.  People in every age had dreamed of an Italy and talked of an Italy.  The notion of Italy had been sung in all kinds of music, propounded in all kinds of philosophy.  But it was always an Italy that existed in the brain of some scholar whose learning was more or less divorced from reality.  Now reality demands that convictions be taken seriously, that ideas become actions.  Accordingly it was necessary that this Italy, which was an affair of brains only, become also an affair of hearts, become, that is, something serious, something alive.  This, and no other, was the meaning of Mazzini’s great slogan:  “Thought and Action.”  It was the essence of the great revolution which he preached and which he accomplished by instilling his doctrine into the hearts of others.  Not many others—­a small minority!  But they were numerous enough and powerful enough to raise the question where it could be answered—­in Italian public opinion (taken in conjunction with the political situation prevailing in the rest of Europe).  They were able to establish the doctrine that life is not a game, but a mission; that, therefore, the individual has a law and a purpose in obedience to which and in fulfillment of which he alone attains his true value; that, accordingly, he must make sacrifices, now of personal comfort, now of private interest, now of life itself.

No revolution ever possessed more markedly than did the Italian Risorgimento this characteristic of ideality, of thought preceding action.  Our revolt was not concerned with the material needs of life, nor did it spring from elementary and widely diffused sentiments breaking out in popular uprisings and mass disturbances.  The movements of 1847 and 1848 were demonstrations, as we would say today, of “intellectuals”; they were efforts toward a goal on the part of a minority of patriots who were standard bearers of an ideal and were driving governments and peoples toward its attainment.  Idealism—­understood as faith in the advent of an ideal reality, as a manner of conceiving life not as fixed within the limits of existing fact, but as incessant progress and transformation toward the level of a higher law which controls men with the very force of the idea—­was the sum and substance of Mazzini’s teaching; and it supplied the most conspicuous characteristic of our great Italian