Randolph, who knew as much as any one, thought the Queen far too familiar with the poet, but did not deem that her virtue was in fault. {225c} Knox dilates on Mary’s familiarities, kisses given in a vulgar dance, dear to the French society of the period, and concludes that the fatuous poet “lacked his head, that his tongue should not utter the secrets of our Queen.” {225d}

There had been a bad harvest, and a dearth, because the Queen’s luxury “provoked God” (who is represented as very irritable) “to strike the staff of bread,” and to “give His malediction upon the fruits of the earth.  But oh, alas, who looked, or yet looks, to the very cause of all our calamities!” {226a}

Some savage peoples are said to sacrifice their kings when the weather is unpropitious.  Knox’s theology was of the same kind.  The preachers, says Randolph (February 28), “pray daily . . . that God will either turn the Queen’s heart or grant her short life.  Of what charity or spirit this proceeds, I leave to be discussed by great divines.” {226b} The prayers sound like encouragement to Jehus.

At this date Ruthven was placed, “by Lethington’s means only,” on the Privy Council.  Moray especially hated Ruthven “for his sorcery”; the superstitious Moray affected the Queen with this ill opinion of one of the elect—­in the affair of Riccio’s murder so useful to the cause of Knox.  “There is not an unworthier in Scotland” than Ruthven, writes Randolph. {226c} Meanwhile Lethington was in England to negotiate for peace in France; if he could, to keep an eye on Mary’s chances for the succession, and (says Knox) to obtain leave for Lennox, the chief of the Stuarts and the deadly foe of the Hamiltons, to visit Scotland, whence, in the time of Henry VIII., he had been driven as a traitor.  But Lethington was at that time confuting Lennox’s argument that the Hamilton chief, Chatelherault, was illegitimate.  Knox is not positive, he only reports rumours. {226d} Lethington’s serious business was to negotiate a marriage for the Queen.

Despite the recent threats of death against priests who celebrated Mass, the Archbishop Hamilton and Knox’s opponent, the Abbot of Crossraguel, with many others, did so at Easter.  The Ayrshire brethren “determined to put to their own hands,” captured some priests, and threatened others with “the punishment that God has appointed to idolaters by His law.” {227a} The Queen commanded Knox to meet her at Lochleven in mid-April—­Lochleven, where she was later to be a prisoner.  In that state lay the priests of her religion, who had been ministering to the people, “some in secret houses, some in barns, some in woods and hills,” writes Randolph, “all are in prison.” {227b}

Mary, for two hours before supper, implored Knox to mediate with the western fanatics.  He replied, that if princes would not use the sword against idolaters, there was the leading case of Samuel’s slaughter of Agag; and he adduced another biblical instance, of a nature not usually cited before young ladies.  He was on safer ground in quoting the Scots law as it stood.  Judges within their bounds were to seek out and punish “mass-mongers”—­that was his courteous term.