stretching forth its hands to Ethiopia, instead of Ethiopia stretching forth her hands to the government.’  ‘His idea,’ said the President, ’was that it would be considered our last shriek on the retreat.’ (This was his precise expression.) ‘Now,’ continued Mr. Seward, ’while I approve the measure, I suggest, sir, that you postpone its issue until you can give it to the country supported by military success, instead of issuing it, as would be the case now, upon the greatest disasters of the war!’” Lincoln continued:  “The wisdom of the view of the Secretary of State struck me with very great force.  It was an aspect of the case that, in all my thought upon the subject, I had entirely overlooked.  The result was that I put the draft of the proclamation aside, waiting for a victory.  From time to time I added or changed a line, touching it up here and there, anxiously waiting the progress of events.  Well, the next news we had was of Pope’s disaster at Bull Run.  Things looked darker than ever.  Finally, came the week of the battle of Antietam.  I determined to wait no longer.[F] The news came, I think, on Wednesday, that the advantage was on our side.  I was then staying at the Soldiers’ Home (three miles out of Washington).  Here I finished writing the second draft of the preliminary proclamation; came up on Saturday; called the Cabinet together to hear it; and it was published the following Monday.”

Another interesting incident occurred at this Cabinet meeting in connection with Secretary Seward.  The President had written the important part of the proclamation in these words:  “That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever FREE; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.”  “When I finished reading this paragraph,” remarked Lincoln, “Mr. Seward stopped me, and said, ’I think, Mr. President, that you should insert after the word “recognize” “and maintain."’ I replied that I had already fully considered the import of that expression in this connection, but I had not introduced it, because it was not my way to promise what I was not entirely sure that I could perform, and I was not prepared to say that I thought we were exactly able to maintain this.  But Seward insisted that we ought to take this ground, and the words finally went in.”