There are in Ireland a great many more Protestant Nationalists than the English Press allows its readers to suspect, and it is one of these who, in a recent novel, declares in a wild hyperbole that if the bishops can secure the continuance of English Government for the next half century Ireland will have become the Church’s property.  No one, of course, with any sense of proportion takes seriously such a statement as this, but I allude to it as showing, in its extreme anti-clericalism, the same tendency, very much magnified, as I have observed to a great extent in the Protestant Nationalist as a class, who has not, as I believe, had time to eliminate the last taint of No Popery feeling in which for generations he and his forbears have been steeped.  The existence of this anti-clerical spirit, and, what is more to the point, its expression with the proverbial tactlessness of the political convert, for such a one the Protestant Nationalist usually is, make it very essential that the Catholic clergy should walk warily and avoid giving any handle to their detractors, for in Ireland, and perhaps most of all in the Church in Ireland, there is need to use the prayer of the faithful Commons—­“that the best possible construction be put on one’s motives.”  How small is the basis for the allegation that the clergy are playing only for the Church’s hand and are prepared to sacrifice for this end the welfare of the country is shown, I think, by the evidence which I have adduced.  But in spite of their ill success in the past there is a persistent notion on the part of both English parties that they can drag in ecclesiastical influence to redress the political balance in their favour.  The exposure in the Life of Lord Randolph Churchill of the manner in which he proposed to Lord Salisbury to win over the Church to Unionism is an example of what I mean:—­[16]

“I have no objection to Sexton and Healy knowing the deliberate intention of the Government on the subject of Irish education, but it would not do for the letter or communication to be made public, for the effect of publicity on Lancashire would be unfortunate....  It is the bishops entirely to whom I look in future to mitigate or postpone the Home Rule onslaught.  Let us only be enabled to occupy a year with the education question.  By that time I am certain Parnell’s party will have become seriously disintegrated.  Personal jealousies, Government influences, Davitt and Fenian intrigues, will be at work upon the devoted band of eighty.  The bishops, who in their hearts hate Parnell, and don’t care a scrap for Home Rule, having safely acquired control of Irish education, will, according to my calculation, complete the rout.  That is my policy, and I know it is sound and good, and the only possible Tory policy.”  And again he wrote—­“My opinion is that if you approach the archbishops through proper channels, if you deal in friendly remonstrances and active assurances ... the tremendous force of the Catholic Church will gradually and insensibly come over to the side of the Tory Party.”