In this situation, Mr. Holwell, whom the terrible example of the Black Hole at Calcutta had not cured of ambition, thought an hour was not to be lost in accomplishing a revolution and selling the reigning Nabob.

My Lords, there was in the house of Mir Jaffier, in his court, and in his family, a man of an intriguing, crafty, subtle, and at the same time bold, daring, desperate, bloody, and ferocious character, called Cossim Ali Khan.  He was the son-in-law of Mir Jaffier; and he made no other use of this affinity than to find some means to dethrone and to murder him.  This was the person in whose school of politics Mr. Hastings made his first studies, and whose conduct he quotes as his example, and for whose friends, agents, and favorites he has always shown a marked predilection.  This dangerous man was not long without finding persons who observed his talents with admiration, and who thought fit to employ him.

The Council at Calcutta was divided into two departments:  one, the Council in general; the other a Select Committee, which they had arranged for the better carrying on their political affairs.  But the Select Committee had no power of acting wholly without the Council at large,—­at least, finally and conclusively.  The Select Committee thought otherwise.  Between these litigant parties for power I shall not determine on the merits,—­thinking of nothing but the use that was made of the power, to whomsoever it belonged.  This Secret Committee, then, without communicating with the rest of the Council, formed the plan for a second revolution.  But the concurrence of Major Calliaud, who commanded the British troops, was essential to the purpose, as it could not be accomplished without force.  Mr. Hastings’s assistance was necessary, as it could not be accomplished without treachery.

These are the parties concerned in the intended revolution.  Mr. Holwell, who considered himself in possession only of temporary power, was urged to precipitate the business; for if Mr. Vansittart should arrive before his plot could be finally put into execution, he would have all the leading advantages of it, and Mr. Holwell would be considered only as a secondary instrument.  But whilst Mr. Holwell, who originally conceived this plot, urged forward the execution of it, in order that the chief share of the profits might fall to him, the Major, and possibly the Resident, held back, till they might receive the sanction of the permanent governor, who was hourly expected, with whom one of them was connected, and who was to carry with him the whole weight of the authority of this kingdom.  This difference produced discussions.  Holwell endeavored by his correspondence to stimulate Calliaud to this enterprise, which without him could not be undertaken at all.  But Major Calliaud had different views.  He concurred inwardly, as he tells us himself, in all the principles of this intended revolution, in the propriety and necessity of it.  He only wished