yet green in the country, and the country felt uneasy
under it. It had not the advantage of that prescriptive
usage, that inveterate habit, that traditionary opinion,
which a long continuance of any system of government
secures to it. The only real security which Surajah
Dowlah’s government could possess was the security
of an army. But the great aim of this prince
and his predecessor was to supply the weakness of his
government by the strength of his purse; he therefore
amassed treasures by all ways and on all hands.
But as the Indian princes, in general, are as unwisely
tenacious of their treasure as they are rapacious in
getting it, the more money he amassed, the more he
felt the effects of poverty. The consequence
was, that their armies were unpaid, and, being unpaid
or irregularly paid, were undisciplined, disorderly,
unfaithful. In this situation, a young prince,
confiding more in the appearances than examining into
the reality of things, undertook (from motives which
the House of Commons, with all their industry to discover
the circumstances, have found it difficult to make
out) to attack a little miserable trading fort that
we had erected at Calcutta. He succeeded in that
attempt only because success in that attempt was easy.
A close imprisonment of the whole settlement followed,—not
owing, I believe, to the direct will of the prince,
but, what will always happen when the will of the
prince is but too much the law, to a gross abuse of
his power by his lowest servants,—by which
one hundred and twenty or more of our countrymen perished
miserably in a dungeon, by a fate too tragical for
me to be desirous to relate, and too well known to
stand in need of it.
At the time that this event happened, there was at
the same time a concurrence of other events, which,
from this partial and momentary weakness, displayed
the strength of Great Britain in Asia. For some
years before, the French and English troops began,
on the coast of Coromandel, to exhibit the power,
force, and efficacy of European discipline. As
we daily looked for a war with France, our settlements
on that coast were in some degree armed. Lord
Pigot, then Governor of Madras,—Lord Pigot,
the preserver and the victim of the British dominion
in Asia,—detached such of the Company’s
force as could he collected and spared, and such of
his Majesty’s ships as were on that station,
to the assistance of Calcutta. And—to
hasten this history to its conclusion—the
daring and commanding genius of Clive, the patient
and firm ability of Watson, the treachery of Mir Jaffier,
and the battle of Plassey gave us at once the patronage
of a kingdom and the command of all its treasures.
We negotiated with Mir Jaffier for the viceroyal throne
of his master. On that throne we seated him.
And we obtained, on our part, immense sums of money.
We obtained a million sterling for the Company, upwards
of a million for individuals, in the whole a sum of
about two millions two hundred and thirty thousand
pounds for various purposes, from the prince whom
we had set up. We obtained, too, the town of
Calcutta more completely than we had before possessed
it, and the twenty-four districts adjoining.
This was the first small seminal principle of the
immense territorial acquisitions we have since made
in India.