One of the first projects of the new ministry was to free the public schools, as far as possible, from the influence of the clergy.  These and other liberal movements aroused the whole force of the Ultramontane party, and a terrible strife ensued, resulting in Hohenlohe’s resignation, which the king was unwillingly obliged to accept.  Hohenlohe was succeeded by Count Bray, a man devoted to feudalism and the Church, who had been minister under Ludwig I. and Maximilian II.  The clerical party were exultant in their triumph.  They saw that trouble was brewing between France and Prussia, and trusted that Count Bray would be able to prevent any alliance between the latter state and Bavaria.  They would have preferred a coalition with France and Austria against Prussia and the kingdom of Italy, with the ultimate purpose of reinstating the pope as a temporal sovereign.  To this end they were willing to degrade Bavaria to a province of Rome, and would gladly have dethroned the king if they could have done so; their hatred of him having been increased in the mean time by his public recognition of Dr. Doellinger’s protest against the decree of papal infallibility.  But when the crisis came their hopes were speedily frustrated by the king’s prompt decision to stand by Prussia in the contest.  He at once declared his intention to Parliament, which had until then appeared willing to grant only the supplies necessary to maintain Bavaria in a state of armed neutrality.  The decision was the king’s alone—­“My word is sacred” was his principle of action—­but after he had taken the first step his ministers supported him throughout the struggle with patriotic zeal.  He immediately issued a proclamation calling his people to arms against their hereditary enemy, and his message, “We South Germans are with you” was the first pledge of sympathy and assistance that cheered the king and the citizens at Berlin.

King Ludwig’s conduct in this matter is especially deserving of praise, because his kingdom is of sufficient size and importance to make its absorption into the empire a great sacrifice of individual pride; particularly when it is remembered that Prussia, of which Bavaria had long been jealous, was to be the leading power in the new union of states, and Prussia’s king the emperor.  But from the time of Ludwig’s accession he had looked forward with hope to a consolidation of the numerous states of Germany into one nation; and the opportunity, though coming sooner than he or any one else had anticipated, found him not unprepared for the change.  When the storm against Hohenlohe was at its height, he said, “Does that party really think that the steps which have already been taken toward the unity of Germany will be retracted?  Then they do not know me.  I have not read Schiller in vain.  I too can say, ’All the power, all the influence, which belongs to me as a constitutional prince I will lay in the scale of the idea of the unity of Germany.’  I should greatly prefer