in their generation, the men who were courageous enough to expel me from the Party, to which I belonged by as good a title as they, were not brave enough to meet me in the open in a fair fight and, where there could be no shirking a plain issue, and accordingly I had a bloodless victory.  It was satisfactory to know I had the practically unanimous support and confidence of the electors of Mid-Cork.  It would have been more satisfactory still if we had the policy of Conciliation affirmed, as we undoubtedly would have, by an overwhelming vote in a genuine trial of strength.  There were at this time outside of the Party, besides myself, Mr William O’Brien, Mr T. M. Healy, M.P. for North Louth (who had not been readmitted after 1900), Sir Thomas Esmonde, M.P. for North Wexford, Mr John O’Donnell, M.P. for South Mayo, Mr Charles Dolan, M.P. for South Leitrim, and Mr Augustine Roche (Mr O’Brien’s colleague in the representation of Cork).

The Party were now in a rather parlous state.  The country was disgusted with their mismanagement of the Irish Council Bill.  Branches of the United Irish League had ceased to subscribe to the Party funds and it was evident that a temper distinctly hostile to the Party managers was widely springing up.  Furthermore, an irresistible movement of popular opinion set in, demanding that there should be a reunion of all the Nationalist forces and “Unity” demonstrations of huge dimensions were held in Kerry, Limerick, Cork, Clare and Wexford.  There was no denying the intensity of the demand that there should be an end of those differences which divided brother Nationalists and dissipated their strength.  Finally, at Ballycullane, in Mr Redmond’s native constituency, Mr O’Brien formulated proposals for reunion, the first of which is so notable as a declaration of Nationalist principle that I quote it fully: 

“No man or party has authority to circumscribe the inalienable right of Ireland to the largest measure of national self-government it may be in her power to obtain.”

Further conditions declared that it was the duty of Nationalist representatives to devote themselves honestly to working for every measure of practical amelioration which it may be possible to obtain from “either English Party, or from both,” and that the co-operation of Irishmen of all creeds and classes willing to aid in the attainment of any or all of those objects should be cordially welcomed.  Within a week Mr Redmond conveyed to Mr O’Brien his desire for a Conference on unity.  It was duly held.  Mr O’Brien’s proposals were substantially agreed to.  It will be observed that they were a solemn reiteration of the principles of Conference and Conciliation, which was the bed-rock basis of the Party policy in its most useful and memorable year, 1903.  It is possible that if Mr O’Brien’s suggestion for a National Convention to give the new Unity an enthusiastic “send-off” had been agreed to, many things might have been different to-day.  But Mr Dillon never wanted, in those days, if he could help it, to appear before a great assemblage of his countrymen in company with Mr O’Brien.  He knew his own limitations for popular appeal too well to risk comparison with the most persuasive Irish orator since the days of O’Connell.