I am sure it does him no wrong to say that he made
up his mind that somebody should suffer for the affront
put upon him. It is ever thus. Even the
greatest men are human, with human emotions, feelings,
likes and dislikes. And though it is far from
my intention to robe Mr Dillon in any garment of greatness,
he was, unfortunately, put in a position to do irreparable
mischief to great principles, as I conceive, through
motives of petty spite. Even if Mr Dillon had
stood alone I do not think he would have counted for
very much, supported though he was by the suave personality
of Mr T.P. O’Connor. But he had won
to his side, in the person of Mr Devlin, one of great
organising gifts and considerable eloquence, who had
now obtained control of the United Irish League and
all its machinery and who knew how to manipulate it
as no other living person could. Without Mr Devlin’s
uncanny genius for organisation Mr Dillon’s idiosyncrasies
could have been easily combated. Mr Dillon’s
diatribes against “the black-blooded Cromwellians”
at a time when the best of the landlord class were
steadily veering in the Nationalist direction, I could
never understand. Mr Devlin’s detestation
of the implacable spirit of Ulster Orangemen was a
far more comprehensible feeling, but the years have
shown only too thoroughly that both passions, and the
pursuit of them, have had the most disastrous consequences.
Even when Mr Dillon was most powerful in the Party
there were many men in it, to my knowledge, who secretly
sympathised with the policy of Conciliation but who
had not sufficient moral courage to come out in the
open in support of it, knowing that if they did they
would be marked down for destruction at the next General
Election. It is evident that from a Party thus
dominated and dragooned, and an organisation which
had its resolutions manufactured for it in the League
offices in Dublin, no good fruit could come.
Mr Redmond’s position was pitiful in the extreme.
Neither his judgment nor his sense of statesmanship
could approve the departure which Mr Dillon and his
accomplices had initiated. He avowed again and
again, publicly to the country and privately in the
Party, that he was in entire agreement with Mr O’Brien
up to the date of his resignation; and it is as morally
certain as anything can be in this world that if he
had not crippled his initiative by sanctioning, under
his own hand, the announcement of the 24-1/2 years’
purchase terms for his estate, he would never have
allowed himself to be associated with what he rather
wearily and shamefacedly described as “a short-sighted
and unwise policy.”