were over.  To show the veritable depths of baseness to which the so-called National Movement had fallen it need only be stated that it was charged against their official organ—­The Freeman’s Journal —­that no less than eighteen members of its staff had obtained positions of profit under the Crown, including a Lord Chancellorship, an Under-secretaryship, Judgeships, Crown Prosecutorships, University Professorships, Resident Magistracies, Local Government Inspectorships, etc.  In this connection it is also worthy of mention that when the premises of this concern were burnt out in the course of the Easter Week Rebellion it was reendowed for “national” purposes, with a Treasury grant of L60,000, being twice the amount which the then directors of the Freeman confessed to be the business value of the property.

Thus did the “Board of Erin” attract to its side all the most selfish and disreputable elements in Irish Catholic life, and thus also did it repel and disgust the more broad-minded and tolerant Protestant patriots whom the All-for-Ireland programme, under happier circumstances, would have undoubtedly won over to the side of Home Rule.  Much might even yet be forgiven to the men who had the destiny of Ireland in their hands if they had shown any striking capacity to exact a measure of self-government sufficiently big and broad to justify the national demand as then understood.  But they showed neither strength nor wisdom, neither courage nor sagacity in their dealings with the English Liberal leaders and old Parliamentary hands against whom they were pitted.  They were hopelessly out-manoeuvred and overmatched at every stage of the game.  It is but just to state that the members of the Party as a whole had scarcely an atom of responsibility for these miserable failures and defects of policy.  They owed their election to “the machine.”  They were the complaisant bondsmen of the secret Order.  Whatever they felt they dared not utter a word which would bring the wrath of “the Bosses” upon their heads.  They were never candidly consulted as to tactics or strategy, or even first principles.

The decisions of the little ring of three or four who dominated the situation within the Party were sometimes, it may be, submitted to them for their formal approval, but more often than otherwise this show of formal courtesy was not shown them.  The position of Mr Redmond was most humiliating of all.  He did not lack many of the qualities which might have made for greatness in leadership, but he did undoubtedly lack the quality of backbone and that strength of character to assert himself and to maintain his own position without which no man can be truly considered great.  Whenever it came to an issue between them it is well known he had to submit his judgment and to bend his will to the decision of the three others—­Messrs Dillon, Devlin and T.P.  O’Connor—­who must historically be held responsible for the mistakes and weaknesses and horrible blunders of those years, which no self-respecting Irishman of the future can ever look back upon without a shudder of horror.