The unprecedented and almost miraculous rise of Rienzi from the rank of the Pontiff’s official to the Lord of Rome, would have been accompanied with a yet greater miracle, if it had not somewhat dazzled and seduced the object it elevated.  When, as in well-ordered states and tranquil times, men rise slowly, step by step, they accustom themselves to their growing fortunes.  But the leap of an hour from a citizen to a prince—­from the victim of oppression to the dispenser of justice—­is a transition so sudden as to render dizzy the most sober brain.  And, perhaps, in proportion to the imagination, the enthusiasm, the genius of the man, will the suddenness be dangerous—­excite too extravagant a hope—­and lead to too chimerical an ambition.  The qualities that made him rise, hurry him to his fall; and victory at the Marengo of his fortunes, urges him to destruction at its Moscow.

In his greatness Rienzi did not so much acquire new qualities, as develop in brighter light and deeper shadow those which he had always exhibited.  On the one hand he was just—­resolute—­the friend of the oppressed—­the terror of the oppressor.  His wonderful intellect illumined everything it touched.  By rooting out abuse, and by searching examination and wise arrangement, he had trebled the revenues of the city without imposing a single new tax.  Faithful to his idol of liberty, he had not been betrayed by the wish of the people into despotic authority; but had, as we have seen, formally revived, and established with new powers, the Parliamentary Council of the city.  However extensive his own authority, he referred its exercise to the people; in their name he alone declared himself to govern, and he never executed any signal action without submitting to them its reasons or its justification.  No less faithful to his desire to restore prosperity as well as freedom to Rome, he had seized the first dazzling epoch of his power to propose that great federative league with the Italian States which would, as he rightly said, have raised Rome to the indisputable head of European nations.  Under his rule trade was secure, literature was welcome, art began to rise.

On the other hand, the prosperity which made more apparent his justice, his integrity, his patriotism, his virtues, and his genius, brought out no less glaringly his arrogant consciousness of superiority, his love of display, and the wild and daring insolence of his ambition.  Though too just to avenge himself by retaliating on the patricians their own violence, though, in his troubled and stormy tribuneship, not one unmerited or illegal execution of baron or citizen could be alleged against him, even by his enemies; yet sharing, less excusably, the weakness of Nina, he could not deny his proud heart the pleasure of humiliating those who had ridiculed him as a buffoon, despised him as a plebeian, and who, even now slaves to his face, were cynics behind his back.  “They stood before him while he sate,” says his biographer; “all these Barons, bareheaded; their hands crossed on their breasts; their looks downcast;—­oh, how frightened they were!”—­a picture more disgraceful to the servile cowardice of the nobles than the haughty sternness of the Tribune.  It might be that he deemed it policy to break the spirit of his foes, and to awe those whom it was a vain hope to conciliate.