So, rising above the dust raised in our old quarrels, and taking a broad view over this Democracy, we see Jefferson firmly placed in each of these groups.

If we search in Jefferson’s writings and in the contemporary records to ascertain what that power was which won him these positions, we find that it was no personal skill in cajoling friends or scaring enemies.  No sound-hearted man ever rose from talk with him with a tithe of the veneration felt by those who sat at the feet of Washington or Hamilton or Channing.  Neither was his position due to oratory:  he could deal neither in sweet words nor in lofty words.  Yet, in spite of these wants, he wrought on the nation with immense power.

The real secret of this power was, first of all, that Jefferson saw infinitely deeper into the principles of the rising Democracy, and infinitely farther into its future working, than any other man of his time.  Those who earnestly read him will often halt astounded at proofs of a foresight in him almost miraculous.  Even in masses of what men have called his puerility there are often germs of immense worth,—­taking years, perhaps, to show life, but sure to be alive at last.

Take, as the latest examples of this, three germ-truths which have recently come to full life, after having been trodden under foot for fifty years.

Early in our national life Jefferson declared against the usurpations of the national judiciary.  Straightway his supporters were divided, mainly between those who sorrowed and those who stood silent; while his opponents were divided only between those who laughed and those who cursed.  But who laughs now?  Jefferson foresaw but too well.  The usurpations of the national judiciary have come in shapes most hideous,—­in the obiter dicta of the Dred Scott decision, and in the use of quibbles to entangle our defenders and set loose our traitors.

Take an example of another kind.  In his early career Jefferson gave forth a scheme of harbor-defence by gun-boats and floating batteries.  This was partially carried out, and only partially; so it failed.  On these gun-boats and batteries his enemies never tired of trying their wit, and certainly seemed to make a brilliant point against his foresight and economy.  But, in these latter years, many Americans besides ourself, visiting Cronstadt during the blockade by the Allied fleet, saw not only how the Allies failed of a conquest, the first summer, for want of gun-boats, but how the Russians protected themselves greatly, during the second summer, by means of them.  We were shown, too, that not only could good work be done by those driven by steam, but that the greater number driven by oarsmen were of much service, not only in vexing the enemy, but in protecting the whole exposed coast.  Here was Jefferson’s scheme to the letter.  Here was a despised thought of the past become a proud fact of the present.  Here had the Autocrat reared a monument to our great Democrat,—­gaining praise for Jefferson long after his enemies and their factious laughter had died out forever.