hardly able to understand or allow for, the idea of
absolute royal power and prerogative which James had
enlarged and hardened out of the Kingship of the Tudors,
itself imperious and arbitrary enough, but always
seeking, with a tact of which James was incapable,
to be in touch and sympathy with popular feeling.
But it was a basis which in principle every one of
any account as yet held or professed to hold, and
which Bacon himself held on grounds of philosophy
and reason. He could see no hope for orderly and
intelligent government except in a ruler whose wisdom
had equal strength to assert itself; and he looked
down with incredulity and scorn on the notion of anything
good coming out of what the world then knew or saw
of popular opinion or parliamentary government.
But when it came to what was wise and fitting for
absolute power to do in the way of general measures
and policy, he was for the most part right. He
saw the inexorable and pressing necessity of putting
the finance of the kingdom on a safe footing.
He saw the necessity of a sound and honest policy
in Ireland. He saw the mischief of the Spanish
alliance in spite of his curious friendship with Gondomar,
and detected the real and increasing weakness of the
Spanish monarchy, which still awed mankind. He
saw the growing danger of abuses in Church and State
which were left untouched, and were protected by the
punishment of those who dared to complain of them.
He saw the confusion and injustice of much of that
common law of which the lawyers were so proud; and
would have attempted, if he had been able, to emulate
Justinian, and anticipate the Code Napoleon, by a rational
and consistent digest. Above all, he never ceased
to impress on James the importance, and, if wisely
used, the immense advantages, of his Parliaments.
Himself, for great part of his life, an active and
popular member of the House of Commons, he saw that
not only it was impossible to do without it, but that,
if fairly, honourably, honestly dealt with, it would
become a source of power and confidence which would
double the strength of the Government both at home
and abroad. Yet of all this wisdom nothing came.
The finance of the kingdom was still ruined by extravagance
and corruption in a time of rapidly-developing prosperity
and wealth. The wounds of Ireland were unhealed.
It was neither peace nor war with Spain, and hot infatuation
for its friendship alternated with cold fits of distrust
and estrangement. Abuses flourished and multiplied
under great patronage. The King’s one thought
about Parliament was how to get as much money out
of it as he could, with as little other business as
possible. Bacon’s counsels were the prophecies
of Cassandra in that so prosperous but so disastrous
reign. All that he did was to lend the authority
of his presence, in James’s most intimate counsels,
to policy and courses of which he saw the unwisdom
and the perils. James and Buckingham made use
of him when they wanted. But they would have
been very different in their measures and their statesmanship
if they had listened to him.