[Footnote 148:  F.O., France, Vol. 1376, No. 553.  Draft.  Printed in Parliamentary Papers, 1862, Lords, Vol.  XXV.  “Correspondence on International Maritime Law.”  No. 1.]

[Footnote 149:  It is interesting that on this same day Lyons was writing from Washington advocating, regretfully, because of his sympathy with the North, a strict British neutrality: 

“The sympathies of an Englishman are naturally inclined towards the North—­but I am afraid we should find that anything like a quasi alliance with the men in office here would place us in a position which would soon become untenable.  There would be no end to the exactions which they would make upon us, there would be no end to the disregard of our neutral rights, which they would show if they once felt sure of us.  If I had the least hope of their being able to reconstruct the Union, or even of their being able to reduce the South to the condition of a tolerably contented or at all events obedient dependency, my feeling against Slavery might lead me to desire to co-operate with them.  But I conceive all chance of this to be gone for ever.”

Russell Papers.  Lyons to Russell, May 6, 1861.]

[Footnote 150:  F.O., France, Vol. 1390.  No. 677.]

[Footnote 151:  Ibid., No. 684.  Printed in part in Parliamentary Papers, 1862, Lords, Vol.  XXV.  “Correspondence on International Maritime Law.”  No. 3.]

[Footnote 152:  Times, May 9, 1861.]

[Footnote 153:  Parliamentary Papers, 1862, Lords, Vol.  XXV.  “Correspondence on Civil War in the United States.”  No. 31.]

[Footnote 154:  So stated by the Times, May 9, 1861.]

[Footnote 155:  Hansard, 3rd.  Ser., Vol.  CLXII, pp. 1378-9.  This blunt expression of Great Britain’s Foreign Secretary offers an interesting comparison with the words of the American President Wilson, in a parallel statement at the outbreak of the Great War in 1914.  Wilson on August 3, 1914, gave a special audience to newspaper correspondents, begging them to maintain an attitude of calm impartiality.  On August 4 he issued the first of several neutrality proclamations in which, following the customary language of such documents, the people were notified that neutrality did not restrict the “full and free expression of sympathies in public and in private.”  But on August 18 in an address to the people of the United States, this legal phraseology, required by traditional usage was negatived by Wilson’s appeal that “we must be impartial in thought as well as in action, must put a curb upon our sentiments as well as upon every transaction that might be construed as a preference of one party to the struggle before another.”  And three weeks later, on September 8, came the proclamation setting aside October 4 “as a day of prayer to Almighty God,” informing Him that war existed and asking His intervention.  Possibly Russell’s more blunt and pithy expression was better suited to the forthrightness of the British public.]