end the war through the invasion of Pennsylvania.  In the reaction created by the arrival of the news of Gettysburg and Vicksburg, Adams still again warned his Government against either a belligerent or interfering attitude toward Great Britain, but stated plainly that Northern victory was of supreme importance in Europe itself.  “We have a mission to fulfill.  It is to show, by our example to the people of England in particular, and to all nations in general, the value of republican institutions.”  There was still a general belief in the incompetency of those institutions.  “The greatest triumph of all would be to prove these calculations vain.  In comparison with this, what would be the gain to be derived from any collision with the powers of Europe[1377]?”

It is strange that with so clearly-expressed a division of English opinion on American democracy few in America itself appreciated the significance of the British controversy.  J. M. Forbes, who had been on a special mission to England, wrote to Lincoln, on his return[1378]: 

“Our friends abroad see it!  John Bright and his glorious band of English Republicans see that we are fighting for Democracy or (to get rid of the technical name) for liberal institutions; the Democrats and the liberals of the old world are as much and as heartily with us as any supporters we have on this side.

     Our enemies too see it in the same light; the Aristocrats and
     the Despots of the old world see that our quarrel is that of
     the People against an Aristocracy[1379].”

But there are few similar expressions and these few nearly always came from men who had been abroad and had thus come into direct contact with British political movements.  Meanwhile, Lee’s retreat from Pennsylvania had produced a like retreat in the opinions on the failure of democracy earlier confidently held by the professedly neutral press.  In September, having arrived at the point by the usual process of gradually facing about, the Times was bold enough to deny that England had any personal feeling or concern about democracy in America or that this had anything to do with English attitude on the war[1380].  Thenceforth neither the Times nor any of the leading papers saw fit to revive with vigour the cry of “democracy’s failure,” no matter how persistent in proclaiming ultimate victory for the South.  Aristocratic exultation had given place to alarm and it seemed wiser, if possible, to quiet the issue[1381].  Not so the Radicals, who made every effort to keep the issue alive in the minds of the British public, and whose leaders with less violence but increased firmness debated the question in every public meeting favourable to the North[1382].  Many Conservatives, Adams reported, were now anxiously sitting on the fence yet finding the posture a difficult one because of their irritation at Bright’s taunts[1383].  Bright’s star was rising.  “The very moment the war comes to an end,” wrote Adams, “and a restoration of the Union follows, it will be the signal for a reaction that will make Mr. Bright perhaps the most formidable public man in England[1384].”