on the ground that it has succeeded admirably in America and has proved a sovereign panacea against the war, taxation and confusion which are the curses of old Governments in Europe.”  Yet that the denial was not sincere is shown by the further assertion that “the shallow demagogues of Birmingham and other kindred platforms must bear the blame of the inference, drawn nearly universally at the present moment, that, if the United States become involved in hopeless difficulties, it would be madness to lower the qualification for the suffrage in England.”

This pretended disclaimer of any essential relation between the American struggle and British institutions was not long persisted in.  A month later the Saturday Review was strong in contemptuous criticism of the “promiscuous democracy” of the North[1330].  Less political journals followed suit.  The Economist thought the people of England would now be convinced of the folly of aping America and that those who had advocated universal suffrage would be filled with “mingled alarm, gratitude and shame[1331].”  Soon W.H.  Russell could write, while still at Washington “... the world will only see in it all, the failure of republican institutions in time of pressure as demonstrated by all history—­that history which America vainly thought she was going to set right and re-establish on new grounds and principles[1332].”  “The English worshippers of American institutions,” said the Saturday Review, “are in danger of losing their last pretext for preferring the Republic to the obsolete and tyrannical Monarchy of England....  It now appears that the peaceable completion of the secession has become impossible, and it will be necessary to discover some new ground of superiority by which Mr. Buchanan or Mr. Lincoln may be advantageously contrasted with Queen Victoria[1333].”

These expressions antedated the news of the actual opening of the war and may be regarded as jeers at Bright and his followers rather than as attempts to read a lesson to the public.  No such expressions are to be found in the letters of leading officials though minor ones occasionally indulged in them[1334].  As late as June, 1861, Adams declared that while some in England welcomed American disunion as a warning to their countrymen it was evident that but a small number as yet saw the cause of the North as identical with the world progress of free institutions[1335].  Evidently he was disappointed that the followers of Bright were not exhibiting more courage and demanding public support of the North as fighting their battle at home.  They were indeed strangely silent, depressed no doubt by American events, and discouraged.  It required time also to arouse intensity of feeling on the American question and to see clearly the issues involved.  Aristocratic Britain was first to declare a definite lesson to be learned, thereby bringing out the fighting qualities of British democracy.  Throughout 1861, the comment was relatively mild.  In July, Blackwood’s declared: