Great Britain and the American Civil War eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 825 pages of information about Great Britain and the American Civil War.

Great Britain and the American Civil War eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 825 pages of information about Great Britain and the American Civil War.

While Lyons was thus keeping in close touch with Seward, the relations between England and America at London were exceedingly meagre.  All that the American Minister Dallas knew of Russell’s intentions is summed up in his despatches to Seward of March 22 and April 9, 1861[102].  On the former date, he gave an account of an interview with Russell in which the latter simply refused to pledge himself against a recognition of the Confederacy; in the latter, presenting a long memorial written by Seward to all of the larger European Governments arguing in friendly spirit the cause of the North, Dallas reported that he drew from Russell merely a general expression of England’s kindly feeling towards the United States and her hope that there might still be a peaceful solution.  Russell again refused to make any pledge in regard to English policy.  In this interview it was tacitly agreed that it would be better for Great Britain to await Adams’ arrival before taking any definite action, or so at least Dallas understood Russell—­though the latter later denied that any pledge of delay was given.  There is no doubt, however, that in Russell’s mind, whatever he might say to Dallas, the separation in America was an accomplished fact and the hope of Great Britain was centred upon the idea of a peaceful separation.

Up to and including April 1, indeed, Lyons had been reporting that no definite stand was yet being taken by the American Government.  At the same time Russell was continuing his instructions to Lyons to recommend conciliation “but never to obtrude advice unasked[103].”  Yet Russell was not wholly undisturbed by the reports of Seward’s quarrelsome attitude, for in a private letter of the same date as the preceding, he wrote to Lyons, “I rely upon your wisdom, patience, and prudence, to steer us through the dangers of this crisis.  If it can possibly be helped Mr. Seward must not be allowed to get us into a quarrel.  I shall see the Southerners when they come, but not officially, and keep them at a proper distance[104].”  It is an interesting query, whether this fear thus expressed of Seward’s temper was not of distinct benefit to the United States at the moment when the Southern Commissioners arrived in England.  The inference would seem to be clear, that in spite of Lyons’ advice to treat them well, the effect upon Russell of Seward’s attitude was to treat them coolly.  Russell was indeed distinctly worried by Seward’s unfriendly attitude.

In the meantime the British press and public, while still uncertain and divided as to the merits of the conflict were now substantially a unit in accepting separation as final.  The Times, with judicial ponderosity declared:  “The new nationality has been brought forth after a very short period of gestation.... and the Seceding States have now constituted themselves a nation[105] ...”  At the other end of the scale in newspaper “tone,” the London Press jeered at the Northern American

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Great Britain and the American Civil War from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.