All England was in fact eagerly waiting for news from America.  Lee’s advance was known to have passed by Washington, but no reports were yet at hand of the battle which must determine this first great offensive campaign by the South.  July 9, the Times predicted, editorially, that Lee was about to capture Washington and that this event would be met by a great cry of joy and relief in the North, now weary of the war and eager to escape from the despotism of Lincoln’s administration[1101].  Nevertheless the Times, while still confident of Lee’s victorious advance and of the welcome likely to be accorded him in the North, came out strongly on July 13 in an appeal to Roebuck to withdraw his motion, arguing that even if he were successful Great Britain ought to make no hurried change of policy[1102].  On this day, the thirteenth, Roebuck moved the discharge of his motion in a speech so mild as to leave the impression that “Tear ’em” had his tail between his legs but, Lindsay, his feelings evidently injured by the aspersions cast upon his own “amateur diplomacy,” spoke at much length of the interview with Napoleon and tried to show that on a previous occasion he had been, in fact, “employed” by the Government.  Palmerston was pithy and sarcastic in reply.  Lindsay, he said, had “employed” himself.  He hoped that this would be the “last time when any member of this House shall think it his duty to communicate to the British House of Commons that which may have passed between himself and the Sovereign of a foreign country[1103].”

The entire debate on Roebuck’s motion was a serious blow to the cause of the South in Parliament.  Undertaken on a complete misunderstanding of the position of Tory leaders, begun with a vehemence that led its mover into tactical error, it rapidly dwindled to a mere question of personal veracity and concluded in sharp reproof from the Government.  No doubt the very success (so it seemed at the moment) of Southern arms, upon which Roebuck counted to support his motion was, in actual effect, a deterrent, since many Southern sympathizers thought Great Britain might now keep hands off since the South was “winning anyway.”  There is no evidence that Russell thought this, or that he was moved by any consideration save the fixed determination to remain neutral—­even to the extent of reversing a previous decision as to the powers of the Government in relation to Southern ship-building.

Roebuck withdrew his motion, not because of any imminent Southern victory, but because he knew that if pressed to a vote it would be overwhelmingly defeated.  The debate was the last one of importance on the topics of mediation or recognition[1104].  News of Lee’s check at Gettysburg reached London on July 16, but was described by the Times two days later as virtually a Southern victory since the Northern army had been compelled to act wholly on the defensive.  In the same issue it was stated of Vicksburg, “it