This being so did Lincoln seek to correct the foreign view by the emancipation proclamation?  There is some, but scant ground for so believing.  It is true that this aspect had at various times, though rarely, been presented to the President.  Carl Schurz, American Minister at Madrid, wrote to Seward as early as September 14, 1861, strongly urging the declaration of an anti-slavery purpose in the war and asserting that public opinion in Europe would then be such in favour of the North that no government would “dare to place itself, by declaration or act, upon the side of a universally condemned institution[888].”  There is no evidence that Seward showed this despatch to Lincoln, but in January, 1862, Schurz returned to America and in conversation with the President urged the “moral issue” to prevent foreign intervention.  The President replied:  “You may be right.  Probably you are.  I have been thinking so myself.  I cannot imagine that any European power would dare to recognize and aid the Southern Confederacy if it became clear that the Confederacy stands for slavery and the Union for freedom[889].”  No doubt others urged upon him the same view.  Indeed, one sincere foreign friend, Count Gasparin, who had early written in favour of the North[890], and whose opinions were widely read, produced a second work in the spring of 1862, in which the main theme was “slavery the issue.”  The author believed emancipation inevitable and urged an instant proclamation of Northern intention to free the slaves[891].  Presumably, Lincoln was familiar with this work.  Meanwhile Sumner pressed the same idea though adding the prevalent abolition arguments which did not, necessarily, involve thought of foreign effect.  On the general question of emancipation Lincoln listened, even telling Sumner that he “was ahead of himself only a month or six weeks[892].”

Yet after the enactment of the “confiscation bill” in July, 1862, when strong abolitionist pressure was brought on the President to issue a general proclamation of emancipation, he reasserted in the famous reply to Greeley, August 22, 1862, his one single purpose to restore the Union “with or without slavery.”

     “If there be those who would not save the Union unless they
     could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree
     with them.

     “If there be those who would not save the Union unless they
     could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree
     with them.

     “My paramount object is to save the Union, and not either to
     save or to destroy slavery[893].”