violence six weeks ago now seems to be going with equal fury in our favour[489].”  Officially on the same day he explained this to Seward as caused by a late development in the crisis of a full understanding, especially “among the quiet and religious citizens of the middle classes,” that if Great Britain did engage in war with the United States she would be forced to become the ally of a “slave-holding oligarchy[490].”

Here, in truth, lay the greatest cause of British anxiety during the period of waiting for an answer and of relief when that answer was received.  If England and America became enemies, wrote Argyll, “we necessarily became virtually the Allies of the Scoundrelism of the South[491].”  Robert Browning, attempting to explain to his friend Story the British attitude, declared that early in the war Britain was with the North, expecting “that the pure and simple rights [of anti-slavery] in the case would be declared and vigorously carried out without one let or stop,” but that Lincoln’s denial of emancipation as an object had largely destroyed this sympathy.  Browning thought this an excusable though a mistaken judgment since at least:  “The spirit of all of Mr. Lincoln’s acts is altogether against Slavery in the end[492].”  He assured Story that the latter was in error “as to men’s ‘fury’ here”:  “I have not heard one man, woman or child express anything but dismay at the prospect of being obliged to go to war on any grounds with America[493].”  And after the affair was over he affirmed:  “The purpose of the North is also understood at last; ... there is no longer the notion that ‘Slavery has nothing to do with it[494].’”

A few extreme pro-Northern enthusiasts held public meetings and passed resolutions commending the “statesmanlike ability and moderation of Seward,” and rejoicing that Great Britain had not taken sides with a slave power[495].  In general, however, such sentiments were not publicly expressed.  That they were keenly felt, nevertheless, is certain.  During the height of the crisis, Anthony Trollope, then touring America, even while sharing fully in the intense British indignation against Captain Wilkes, wrote: 

“These people speak our language, use our prayers, read our books, are ruled by our laws, dress themselves in our image, are warm with our blood.  They have all our virtues; and their vices are our own too, loudly as we call out against them.  They are our sons and our daughters, the source of our greatest pride, and as we grow old they should be the staff of our age.  Such a war as we should now wage with the States would be an unloosing of hell upon all that is best upon the world’s surface[496].”

The expressions of men like Browning and Trollope may not indeed, be regarded as typical of either governmental or general public reactions.  Much more exactly and with more authority as representing that thoughtful opinion of which Adams wrote were the conclusions of John Stuart Mill.  In an article in Fraser’s Magazine, February, 1862, making a strong plea for the North, he summarized British feeling about the Trent: