When Adams paid no attention to the proviso but insisted on signature of the treaty, Russell at last wrote a declaration in the nature of an insult, which could not be disregarded[254].”

In this presentation of the case to the jury certain minor points are insisted upon to establish a ground for suspicion—­as the question of who first made the proposal—­that are not essential to Henry Adams’ conclusions.  This conclusion is that “From the delays interposed by Russell, Adams must conclude that the British Cabinet was trying one device after another to evade the proposition; and finally, from the written declaration of August 19, he could draw no other inference than that Russell had resorted to the only defensive weapon left to him, in order to avoid the avowal of his true motives and policy[255].”  The motive of this tortuous proceeding, the author believed to have been a deep-laid scheme to revive, after the American War was ended, the earlier international practice of Great Britain, in treating as subject to belligerent seizure enemy’s goods under the neutral flag.  It was the American stand, argues Henry Adams, that in 1854 had compelled Great Britain to renounce this practice.  A complete American adherence, now, to the Declaration, would for ever tie Britain’s hands, but if there were no such complete adherence and only temporary observation of the second article, after the war had resulted in the disruption of the United States, thus removing the chief supporter of that article, Great Britain would feel free to resume her old-time practice when she engaged in war.  If Great Britain made a formal treaty with the United States she would feel bound to respect it; the Declaration of Paris as it stood constituted “a mere agreement, which was binding, as Lord Malmesbury declared, only so long as it was convenient to respect it[256].”  Thus the second article of the Declaration of Paris, not the first on privateering, was in the eye of the British Cabinet in the negotiation of 1861.  Henry Adams ends his essay:  “After the manner in which Russell received the advances of President Lincoln, no American Minister in London could safely act on any other assumption than that the British Government meant, at the first convenient opportunity, to revive the belligerent pretensions dormant since the War of 1812[257].”

This analysis was published in 1891.  Still more briefly summarized it depicts an unfriendly, almost hostile attitude on the part of Russell and Lyons, deceit and evasion by the former, selfish British policy, and throughout a blind following on by France, yielding to Russell’s leadership.  The American proposal is regarded merely as a simple and sincere offer to join in supporting an improved international practice in war-times.  But when Frederic Bancroft, the biographer of Seward, examined the negotiation he was compelled to ask himself whether this was all, indeed, that the American Secretary of State had in view.  Bancroft’s analysis may be stated more briefly[258].