and my attention was first drawn to political economy
as the science of social salvation by Henry George’s
eloquence, and by his Progress and Poverty, which had
an enormous circulation in the early eighties, and
beyond all question had more to do with the Socialist
revival of that period in England than any other book.
Before the Fabian Society existed I pressed George’s
propaganda of Land Nationalisation on a meeting of
the Democratic Federation, but was told to read Karl
Marx. I was so complete a novice in economics
at that time that when I wrote a letter to Justice
pointing out a flaw in Marx’s reasoning, I regarded
my letter merely as a joke, and fully expected that
some more expert Socialist economist would refute
me easily. Even when the refutation did not arrive
I remained so impressed with the literary power and
overwhelming documentation of Marx’s indictment
of nineteenth-century Commercialism and the capitalist
system, that I defended him against all comers in and
out of season until Philip Wicksteed, the well-known
Dante commentator, then a popular Unitarian minister,
brought me to a standstill by a criticism of Marx
which I did not understand. This was the first
appearance in Socialist controversy of the value theory
of Jevons, published in 1871. Professor Edgeworth
and Mr. Wicksteed, to whom Jevons appealed as a mathematician,
were at that time trying to convince the academic world
of the importance of Jevons’s theory; but I,
not being a mathematician, was not easily accessible
to their methods of demonstration. I consented
to reply to Mr. Wicksteed on the express condition
that the editor of To-day, in which my reply appeared,
should find space for a rejoinder by Mr. Wicksteed.
My reply, which was not bad for a fake, and contained
the germ of the economic argument for equality of income
which I put forward twenty-five years later, elicited
only a brief rejoinder; but the upshot was that I
put myself into Mr. Wicksteed’s hands and became
a convinced Jevonian, fascinated by the subtlety of
Jevons’s theory and the exquisiteness with which
it adapted itself to all the cases which had driven
previous economists, including Marx, to take refuge
in clumsy distinctions between use value, exchange
value, labour value, supply and demand value, and
the rest of the muddlements of that time.
Accordingly, the abstract economics of the Fabian
Essays are, as regards value, the economics of Jevons.
As regards rent they are the economics of Ricardo,
which I, having thrown myself into the study of abstract
economics, had learnt from Ricardo’s own works
and from De Quincey’s Logic of Political Economy.
I maintained, as I still do, that the older economists,
writing before Socialism had arisen as a possible
alternative to Commercialism and a menace to its vested
interests, were far more candid in their statements
and thorough in their reasoning than their successors,
and was fond of citing the references in De Quincey
and Austin’s Lectures on Jurisprudence to the
country gentleman system and the evils of capitalism,
as instances of frankness upon which no modern professor
dare venture.