New York Times, Current History, Vol 1, Issue 1 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 473 pages of information about New York Times, Current History, Vol 1, Issue 1.

New York Times, Current History, Vol 1, Issue 1 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 473 pages of information about New York Times, Current History, Vol 1, Issue 1.

That means that we have to conquer him and not to revile him and strike moral attitudes.  His victory over British and French Democracy would be a victory of Militarism over civilization; it would literally shut the gates of mercy on mankind.  Leave it to our official fools and governesses to lecture the Kaiser, and to let loose Turcos and Ghoorkas on him:  a dangerous precedent.  Let Thomas Atkins, Patrick Murphy, Sandy McAlister, and Pitou Dupont fight him under what leadership they can get, until honour is satisfied, simply because if St. George does not slay the dragon the world will be, as a friend of mine said of Europe the other day, “no place for a gentleman.”

Recapitulation.

1.  The war should be pushed vigorously, not with a view to a final crushing of the German army between the Anglo-French combination and the Russian millions, but to the establishment of a decisive military superiority by the Anglo-French combination alone.  A victory unattainable without Russian aid would be a defeat for Western European Liberalism; Germany would be beaten not by us, but by a Militarist autocracy worse than her own.  By sacrificing Prussian Poland and the Slav portions of the Austrian Empire Germany and Austria could satisfy Russia, and merge Austria and Germany into a single German State, which would then dominate France and England, having ascertained that they could not conquer her without Russia’s aid.  We may fairly allow Russia to conquer Austria if she can; that is her natural part of the job.  But if we two cannot without Russian help beat Potsdam, or at least hold her up in such a stalemate as will make it clear that it is impossible for her to subjugate us, then we shall simply have to “give Germany best” and depend on an alliance with America for our place in the sun.

2.  We cannot smash or disable Germany, however completely we may defeat her, because we can do that only by killing her women; and it is trifling to pretend that we are capable of any such villainy.  Even to embarrass her financially by looting her would recoil on ourselves, as she is one of our commercial customers and one of our most frequently visited neighbors.  We must, if we can, drive her from Belgium without compromise.  France may drive her from Alsace and Lorraine.  Russia may drive her from Poland.  She knew when she opened fire that these were the stakes in the game; and we are bound to support France and Russia until they are won or lost, unless a stalemate reduces the whole method of warfare to absurdity.  Austria, too, knew that the Slav part of her empire was at stake.  By winning these stakes the Allies will wake the Kaiser from his dream of a Holy Teuton Empire with Prussia as the Head of its Church, and teach him to respect us; but that once done, we must not allow our camp followers to undo it all again by spiteful humiliations and exactions which could not seriously cripple Germany, and would make bad blood between us for a whole generation, to our own great inconvenience, unhappiness, disgrace, and loss.  We and France have to live with Germany after the war; and the sooner we make up our mind to do it generously, the better.  The word after the fight must be sans rancune; for without peace between France, Germany, and England, there can be no peace in the world.

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New York Times, Current History, Vol 1, Issue 1 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.