New York Times, Current History, Vol 1, Issue 1 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 473 pages of information about New York Times, Current History, Vol 1, Issue 1.

New York Times, Current History, Vol 1, Issue 1 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 473 pages of information about New York Times, Current History, Vol 1, Issue 1.

Our general military service, which today is being defamed by the word “militarism,” is born of the iron commandment of self-preservation.  Without it the German Empire and the German Nation long ago would have been struck out of the list of the living.  Only lack of knowledge or intentional misconception of our character could accuse us of having an aggressive motive back of it.  On earth there is no more peaceful nation than Germany, providing she be left in peace and her room to breathe be not lessened.  Germany never has had the least thought of assuming for herself the European hegemony, much less the rulership of the world.  She has never greedily eyed colonial possessions of other great powers.  On the contrary, in the acquisition of her colonies she was satisfied with whatever the others had left for her.  And least of all did she carry up her sleeve a desire of extending the frontiers of the empire.  The famous word of Bismarck, that Germany was “saturated” with acquired territory, is still accepted as fully in force to such an extent that even in case of her victory the question as to which parts of the enemies’ territory we should claim for our own would cause us a great deal of perplexity.  The German Empire could only lose as the national State she is in strength and unity by acquiring new and strange elements.

Otherwise would the empire, from the day of its founding until now, for nearly half a century, actually have avoided every war, often enough under the most difficult circumstances?  Would it have quietly suffered the open or hidden challenges, the machinations of its enemies constantly appearing more plainly?  Yes, would it have tried again and again to improve its relations with these very same enemies by the greatest advances?  As opposed to the ill-concealed hostility of the French, would it not have been shaken in its steadfast policy of conciliation by the fact that this policy with them only made the impression of weakness and fear?  Would it have permitted France to reconstruct her power which was destroyed in 1870 to a greater extent than before, and, in addition, allowed her to conquer a new and gigantic colonial empire?  Would it have permitted prostrate Russia to recuperate undisturbed from the almost annihilating blows of the revolution and the Japanese war?  Would it, in the countless threatening conflicts of the last decades, have on every occasion thrown the entire weight of its sword into the scales for the preservation of peace?

The Kaiser’s Responsibility.

Then, too, many Americans emphasize the fact that they are making not the German people but the Emperor alone responsible for this war.  It is hardly conceivable how serious-minded people can lend themselves to the spreading of a fable so childish.  When William II., 29 years old, mounted the throne, the entire world said of him that his aim was the acquirement of the laurels of war.  In spite of this for twenty-six

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New York Times, Current History, Vol 1, Issue 1 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.