of the individuals, and the various contracts
they may enter into with respect to it. I should
not be deterred from the adoption of this principle
by the fear that all family relations might be
disturbed, for, although such a fear might be
justified by considerations of particular circumstances
and localities, it could not fairly be entertained
in an inquiry into the nature of men and States
in general. For experience frequently convinces
us that just where law has imposed no fetters,
morality most surely binds; the idea of external coercion
is one entirely foreign to an institution which, like
marriage, reposes only on inclination and an inward
sense of duty; and the results of such coercive
institutions do not at all correspond to the intentions
in which they originate.”
A long succession of distinguished thinkers—moralists, sociologists, political reformers—have maintained the social advantages of divorce by mutual consent, or, under guarded circumstances, at the wish of one party. Mutual consent was the corner-stone of Milton’s conception of marriage. Montesquieu said that true divorce must be the result of mutual consent and based on the impossibility of living together. Senancour seems to agree with Montesquieu. Lord Morley (Diderot, vol. ii, Ch. I), echoing and approving the conclusions of Diderot’s Supplement au Voyage de Bougainville (1772), adds that the separation of husband and wife is “a transaction in itself perfectly natural and blameless, and often not only laudable, but a duty.” Bloch (Sexual Life of Our Time, p. 240), with many other writers, emphasizes the truth of Shelley’s saying, that the freedom of marriage is the guarantee of its durability. (That the facts of life point in the same direction has been shown in the previous chapter.) The learned Caspari (Die Soziale Frage ueber die Freiheit der Ehe), while disclaiming any prevision of the future, declares that if sexual relationships are to remain or to become moral, there must be an easier dissolution of marriage. Howard, at the conclusion of his exhaustive history of matrimonial institutions (vol. iii p. 220), though he himself believes that marriage is peculiarly in need of regulation by law, is yet constrained to admit that it is perfectly clear to the student of history that the modern divorce movement is “but a part of the mighty movement for social liberation which has been gaining in volume and strength since the Reformation.” Similarly the cautious and judicial Westermarck concludes the chapter on marriage of his Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas (vol. ii, p. 398) with the statement that “when both husband and wife desire to separate, it seems to many enlightened minds that the State has no right to prevent them from dissolving the marriage contract, provided the children are properly cared for; and that, for the children, also, it is better to have the supervision of one parent only than of two who cannot agree.”