of those who are specially concerned with that branch,
or who are considering the desirability of entering
it. The establishment of Employment Exchanges
is a tacit admission of the need of such statistics,
and—though less certainly—of
the duty of the Government to provide them. Yet
even if they were provided it seems beyond dispute
that, in the absence of strong pressure or compulsion
from the State, the choice of individuals would not
always be in accordance with the national needs.
The entry to certain professions—for instance
that of medicine—is most properly safeguarded
by regulations and restrictions imposed by bodies
to which the State has delegated certain powers and
duties. It may happen that in one of these professions
the number of members is greatly in excess, or falls
far short of the national requirements; yet neither
State nor Professional Council has power to refuse
admission to any duly qualified candidate, or to compel
certain selected people to undergo the training necessary
for qualification. It is quite conceivable, however,
that circumstances might arise which would render
such action not merely desirable but absolutely essential
to the national well-being; indeed it is at least arguable
that such circumstances have already arisen.
The popular doctrine of the early Victorian era, that
the welfare of the community could best be secured
by allowing every man to seek his own interests in
the way chosen by himself, has been greatly modified
or wholly abandoned. So far are we from believing
that national efficiency is to be attained by individual
liberty that some are in real danger of regarding the
two as essentially antagonistic. The nation,
as a whole, supported the Legislature in the establishment
of compulsory military service; it did so without
enthusiasm and only because of the general conviction
that such a policy was demanded by the magnitude of
the issues at stake. Britons have always been
ready, even eager, to give their lives for their country;
but, even now, most of them prefer that the obligation
to do so should be a moral, rather than a legal one.
The doctrine of individual liberty implies the minimum
of State interference. Hence there is no country
in the world where so much has been left to individual
initiative and voluntary effort as in England; and,
though of late the number of Government officials has
greatly increased, it still remains true that an enormous
amount of important work, of a kind which is elsewhere
done by salaried servants of the State, is in the
hands of voluntary associations or of men who, though
appointed or recognised by the State, receive no salary
for their services. Nor can it be denied that
the work has been, on the whole, well done. A
traditional practice of such a kind cannot be (and
ought not to be) abandoned at once or without careful
consideration; yet the changed conditions of domestic
and international politics render some modification
necessary.