was embodied in one man, and all authority was centered
in him, a measure which prolonged the magnificent
sway of the Roman for several centuries. The Emperor
had ceased to dwell in Rome when the Eternal City
fell into the hands of barbarians. When the conqueror
invaded our country, the Franks who divided the land
among themselves invented feudal privilege as a safeguard
for property. The hundred or the thousand chiefs
who owned the country, established their institutions
with a view to defending the rights gained by conquest.
The duration of the feudal system was co-existent
with the restriction of Privilege. But when the
leudes (an exact translation of the word gentlemen)
from five hundred became fifty thousand, there came
a revolution. The governing power was too widely
diffused; it lacked force and concentration; and they
had not reckoned with the two powers, Money and Thought,
that had set those free who had been beneath their
rule. So the victory over the monarchical system,
obtained by the middle classes with a view to extending
the number of the privileged class, will produce its
natural effect—the people will triumph
in turn over the middle classes. If this trouble
comes to pass, the indiscriminate right of suffrage
bestowed upon the masses will be a dangerous weapon
in their hands. The man who votes, criticises.
An authority that is called in question is no longer
an authority. Can you imagine a society without
a governing authority? No, you cannot. Therefore,
authority means force, and a basis of just judgement
should underlie force. Such are the reasons which
have led me to think that the principle of popular
election is a most fatal one for modern governments.
I think that my attachment to the poor and suffering
classes has been sufficiently proved, and that no
one will accuse me of bearing any ill-will towards
them, but though I admire the sublime patience and
resignation with which they tread the path of toil,
I must pronounce them to be unfit to take part in
the government. The proletariat seem to me to
be the minors of a nation, and ought to remain in
a condition of tutelage. Therefore, gentlemen,
the word election, to my thinking, is in a fair
way to cause as much mischief as the words conscience
and liberty, which ill-defined and ill-understood,
were flung broadcast among the people, to serve as
watchwords of revolt and incitements to destruction.
It seems to me to be a right and necessary thing that
the masses should be kept in tutelage for the good
of society.”
“This system of yours runs so clean contrary to everybody’s notions nowadays, that we have some right to ask your reasons for it,” said Genestas, interrupting the doctor.
“By all means, captain.”
“What is this the master is saying?” cried Jacquotte, as she went back to her kitchen. “There he is, the poor dear man, and what is he doing but advising them to crush the people! And they are listening to him——”