with the complicated problems of economic and social progress which are already awaiting solution.  Sooner or later the bureaucratic machine, driven solely by the Autocratic Power in the teeth of popular apathy or opposition, must inevitably break down, and the longer the collapse is postponed the more violent is it likely to be.  On the other hand, it is impossible to foresee the effects of concessions.  Mere bureaucratic reforms will satisfy no one; they are indeed not wanted except as a result of more radical changes.  What all sections of the Opposition demand is that the people should at least take part in the government of the country by means of freely elected representatives in Parliament assembled.  It is useless to argue with them that Constitutionalism will certainly not work the miracles that are expected of it, and that in the struggles of political parties which it is sure to produce the unity and integrity of the Empire may be endangered.  Lessons of that kind can only be learned by experience.  Other countries, it is said, have existed and thriven under free political institutions, and why not Russia?  Why should she be a pariah among the nations?  She gave parliamentary institutions to the young nationalities of the Balkan Peninsula as soon as they were liberated from Turkish bondage, and she has not yet been allowed such privileges herself!

Let us suppose now that the Autocratic Power has come to feel the impossibility of remaining isolated as it is at present, and that it has decided to seek solid support in some section of the population, what section should it choose?  Practically it has no choice.  The only way of relieving the pressure is to make concessions to the Constitutionalists.  That course would conciliate, not merely the section of the Opposition which calls itself by that name and represents the majority of the educated classes, but also, in a lesser degree, all the other sections.  No doubt these latter would accept the concession only as part payment of their demands and a means of attaining ulterior aims.  Again and again the Social Democrats have proclaimed publicly that they desire parliamentary government, not as an end in itself, but as a stepping stone towards the realisation of the Socialist ideal.  It is evident, however, that they would have to remain on this stepping stone for a long series of years—­until the representatives of the Proletariat obtained an overwhelming majority in the Chamber.  In like manner the subject-nationalities would regard a parliamentary regime as a mere temporary expedient—­a means of attaining greater local and national autonomy—­and they would probably show themselves more impatient than the Social Democrats.  Any inordinate claims, however, which they might put forward would encounter resistance, as the Poles found in 1863, not merely from the Autocratic Power, but from the great majority of the Russian people, who have no sympathy with any efforts tending to bring about the disruption of the Empire.  In short, as soon as the Assembly set to work, the delegates would be sobered by a consciousness of responsibility, differences of opinion and aims would inevitably appear, and the various groups transformed into political parties, instead of all endeavouring as at present to pull down the Autocratic Power, would expend a great part of their energy in pulling against each other.