in presenting to him the petition, I shall say:  ’Your Majesty!  Things cannot go on like this; it is time to give the people liberty.’ (Tak nelzya!  Para dat’ narodu svobodu.) If he consents, we shall insist that he take an oath before the people.  Only then we shall come away, and when we begin to work, it will only be for eight hours a day.  If, on the other hand, we are prevented from entering the city, we shall request and beg, and if they do not let us pass, we shall force our way.  In the Palace Square we shall find troops, and we shall entreat them to come over to our side.  If they beat us, we shall strike back.  There will be sacrifices, but part of the troops will come over to us, and then, being ourselves strong in numbers, we shall make a revolution.  We shall construct barricades, pillage the armourers’ shops, break open the prisons, and seize the telephones and telegraphs.  The Socialist-Revolutionaries have promised us bombs, and the Democrats money:  and we shall be victorious!*

     * This confirms the information which comes to me from other
     quarters that Gapon was already in friendly relations with
     other revolutionary groups.

“Such, in a few words, were the ideas which Gapon expounded.  The impression he made on us was that he did not clearly realise where he was going.  Acting with sincerity, he was ready to die, but he was convinced that the troops would not fire, and that the deputation would be received by the Emperor.  He did not distinguish between different methods.  Though not at all a partisan of violent means, he had become infuriated against autocracy and the Tsar, as was shown by his language when he said:  ‘If that blockhead of a Tsar comes out’ (Yesli etot durak Tsar vuidet) . . .  Burning with the desire to attain his object, he looked on revolution like a child, as if it could be accomplished in a day with empty hands!”

Knowing that no previous preparations had been made for a revolution such as Gapon talked of, the Social Democratic agents tried to dissuade him from carrying out his idea on Sunday, but he stood firm.  He had already committed himself publicly to the project.  At a workmen’s meeting in another quarter (Vassiliostrof) earlier in the day he had explained the petition, and said:  “Let us go to the Winter Palace and summon the Emperor, and let us tell him our wants; if he does not listen to us we do not require him any longer.”  To a Social Democrat who shook him warmly by the hand and expressed his astonishment that there should be such a man among the clergy, he replied:  “I am no longer a priest; I am a fighter for liberty!  They want to exile me, and for some nights I have not slept at home.”  When offered assistance to escape arrest, he answered laconically:  “Thanks; I have already a place of refuge.”  After his departure from the meeting one of his friends, to whom he had confided a copy of the petition, rose and said:  “Now has arrived the great historical moment!  Now