notice the wheels attached to the new cottage, and therefore do not fall into the error.  The gipsy may halt in a particular parish, but he is not as a rule immediately made a parish councillor.  The cases in which a travelling tinker has been suddenly made the mayor of an important industrial town must be comparatively rare.  And if the poor vagabonds of the Romany blood are bullied by mayors and magistrates, kicked off the land by landlords, pursued by policemen and generally knocked about from pillar to post, nobody raises an outcry that they are the victims of religious persecution; nobody summons meetings in public halls, collects subscriptions or sends petitions to parliament; nobody threatens anybody else with the organised indignation of the gipsies all over the world.  The case of the Jew in the nation is very different from that of the tinker in the town.  The moral elements that can be appealed to are of a very different style and scale.  No gipsies are millionaires.

In short, the Jewish problem differs from anything like the gipsy problem in two highly practical respects.  First, the Jews already exercise colossal cosmopolitan financial power.  And second, the modern societies they live in also grant them vital forms of national political power.  Here the vagrant is already as rich as a miser and the vagrant is actually made a mayor.  As will be seen shortly, there is a Jewish side of the story which leads really to the same ending of the story; but the truth stated here is quite independent of any sympathetic or unsympathetic view of the race in question.  It is a question of fact, which a sensible Jew can afford to recognise, and which the most sensible Jews do very definitely recognise.  It is really irrational for anybody to pretend that the Jews are only a curious sect of Englishmen, like the Plymouth Brothers or the Seventh Day Baptists, in the face of such a simple fact as the family of Rothschild.  Nobody can pretend that such an English sect can establish five brothers, or even cousins, in the five great capitals of Europe.  Nobody can pretend that the Seventh Day Baptists are the seven grandchildren of one grandfather, scattered systematically among the warring nations of the earth.  Nobody thinks the Plymouth Brothers are literally brothers, or that they are likely to be quite as powerful in Paris or in Petrograd as in Plymouth.

The Jewish problem can be stated very simply after all.  It is normal for the nation to contain the family.  With the Jews the family is generally divided among the nations.  This may not appear to matter to those who do not believe in nations, those who really think there ought not to be any nations.  But I literally fail to understand anybody who does believe in patriotism thinking that this state of affairs can be consistent with it.  It is in its nature intolerable, from a national standpoint, that a man admittedly powerful in one nation should be bound to a man equally powerful in another nation, by ties