is lawful for subjects to accuse princes....
The Pope can loose subjects from the oath of fealty.’
Such are the fundamental articles promulgated by Gregory
VII. in the Council of Rome, which the official historian
of the Church reproduced in the commencement of the
seventeenth century as being authentic and legitimate,
and Rome has never disavowed it. Borrowed in part
from the false Decretals, resting, most of them, on
the fabulous donation of Constantine, and on the successive
impostures and usurpations of the first barbarous
ages, they received from the hand of Gregory VII. a
new character of force and unity. That pontiff
stamped them with the sanction of his own genius.
Such authority had never before been created:
it made every other power useless and subaltern”
("Life of Gregory VII.,” by Villemain, trans.
by Brockley, vol. ii., pp. 53-55). Thus the struggle
became inevitable between the temporal and the spiritual
powers. “In every country there was a dual
government:—1. That of a local kind,
represented by a temporal sovereign. 2. That of
a foreign kind, acknowledging the authority of the
Pope. This Roman influence was, in the nature
of things, superior to the local; it expressed the
sovereign will of one man over all the nations of the
continent conjointly, and gathered overwhelming power
from its compactness and unity. The local influence
was necessarily of a feeble nature, since it was commonly
weakened by the rivalries of conterminous states and
the dissensions dexterously provoked by its competitor.
On not a single occasion could the various European
states form a coalition against their common antagonist.
Whenever a question arose, they were skilfully taken
in detail, and commonly mastered. The ostensible
object of papal intrusion was to secure for the different
peoples, moral well-being; the real object was to
obtain large revenues and give support to large bodies
of ecclesiastics. The revenues thus abstracted
were not unfrequently many times greater than those
passing into the treasury of the local power.
Thus, on the occasion of Innocent IV. demanding provision
to be made for three hundred additional Italian clergy
by the Church of England, and that one of his nephews,
a mere boy, should have a stall in Lincoln Cathedral,
it was found that the sum already annually abstracted
by foreign ecclesiastics from England was thrice that
which went into the coffers of the king. While
thus the higher clergy secured every political appointment
worth having, and abbots vied with counts in the herds
of slaves they possessed—some, it is said,
owned not fewer than twenty thousand—begging
friars pervaded society in all directions, picking
up a share of what still remained to the poor.
There was a vast body of non-producers, living in idleness
and owning a foreign allegiance, who were subsisting
on the fruits of the toil of the labourers”
("Conflict between Religion and Science,” Draper,
pp. 266, 267).