I forgive you for discrediting your principles by the praise which you lavish on the absolute government which reigns in France, but I would have you at least not to do so in a still more efficacious manner by your own blunders and by the comparisons which they suggest.  It seems to me, however, very difficult to predict the result to yourselves of the long and intimate contact with, our Government, and, above all, of the united action and amalgamation of the two armies.  I own that I doubt its having a good effect on the future of the English aristocracy, and although A.B. struck up the other day a real hymn in its praise, I do not think that present events are of a nature to increase its chance in the future.’]

Paris, Saturday, March 3.—­Tocqueville called on us soon after breakfast.

We talked of the loss and gain of Europe by the war.  We agreed that Russia and England have both lost by it.  Russia probably the most in power, England in reputation.  That Prussia, though commercially a gainer, is humiliated and irritated by the superiority claimed by Austria and conceded to her.

‘You cannot,’ said Tocqueville, ’estimate the opinions of Germany without going there.  There is a general feeling among the smaller Powers of internal insecurity and external weakness, and Austria is looked up to as the supporter of order against the revolutionists, and of Germany against Russia.  Austria alone has profited by the general calamities.  Without actually drawing the sword she has possession of the Principalities, she has thrust down Prussia into the second rank, she has emancipated herself from Russia, she has become the ally of France and of England, and even of her old enemy Piedmont, she is safe in Italy.  Poland and Hungary are still her difficulties, and very great ones, but as her general strength increases, she can better deal with them.’

’Has not France, I said, ’been also a gainer, by becoming head of the coalition against Russia?’

‘Whatever we have gained,’ answered Tocqueville, ’has been dearly purchased, so far as it has consolidated this despotism.  For a whole year we have felt that the life, and even the reign, of Louis Napoleon was necessary to us.  They will continue necessary to us during the remainder of the war.  We are acquiring habits of obedience, almost of resignation.  His popularity has not increased.  He and his court are as much shunned by the educated classes as they were three years ago; we still repeat “que ca ne peut pas durer,” but we repeat it with less conviction.’

We passed the spring in Algeria, and returned to Paris the latter part of May.

Paris, May 26,1855.—­After breakfast I went to the Institut.

M. Passy read to us a long paper on the Art of Government.  He spoke so low and so monotonously that no one attended.  I sat next to Tocqueville, and, as it was not decent to talk, we conversed a little in writing.  He had been reading my Algiers Journal, and thus commented upon it:—­