was a very clever and original-minded man, though strongly tinctured with the old feudal prejudices, nevertheless let the fact be seen in the clearest manner in his own writings.  He wrote many tracts on public topics, and De Tocqueville says that the tone in which Mirabeau (pere) handles these proves that he was perfectly cognisant of the universal spread of revolutionary opinions, and even in some degree influenced by them in his own person.  Mirabeau (the son) was so aware of the absolute necessity of proclaiming himself emancipated from the old feudalities, that, among other extravagances of his conduct, he started as a shopkeeper at Marseilles for some time, by way of fraternizing with the bourgeoisie; afficheing his liberalism.  De Tocqueville quoted Napoleon as saying in one of his conversations at St. Helena that he had been a spectator from a window of the scene at the Tuileries, on the famous August 10, 1792, and that it was his conviction (Napoleon’s) that, even at that stage, the revolution might have been averted—­at least, the furious character of it might have been turned aside—­by judicious modes of negotiation on the part of the King’s advisers.  De Tocqueville does not concur in Napoleon’s opinion.  ‘Cahiers,’ published 1789, contain the whole body of instructions supplied to their respective delegates by the trois etats (clerge, noblesse, et Tiers Etat), on assembling in convocation.  Of this entire and voluminous collection (which is deposited in the archives of France) three volumes of extracts are to be bought which were a kind of redige of the larger body of documents.  In these three volumes De Tocqueville mentioned, one may trace the course of the public sentiment with perfect clearness.  Each class demanded a large instalment of constitutional securities; the nobles perhaps demanded the largest amount of all the three.  Nothing could be more thoroughgoing than the requisitions which the body of the noblesse charged their delegates to enforce in the Assembly of the Etats-generaux—­’egalisations des charges (taxation), responsabilite des ministres, independance des tribunaux, liberte de la personne, garantie de la propriete contre la couronne,’ a balance-sheet annually of the public expenses and public revenue, and, in fact, all the salient privileges necessary in order to enfranchise a community weary of despotism.  The clergy asked for what they wanted with equal resolution, and the bourgeoisie likewise; but what the nobles were instructed to demand was the boldest of all.  We talked of the letters of the writers of the eighteenth century, and of the correspondence of various eminent men and women with David Hume, which Mr. Hill Burton has published in a supplementary volume in addition to those comprised in his life of David Hume, and which I have with me.  I said that the works of Hume being freely printed and circulated caused great pleasure to the French men of letters, mingled with envy at the facility