‘In some parts of France,’ said Beaumont, ’where the people are religious, as is the case here, much.  Not much in the north-east, where there is little religion; and in the towns, where there is generally no religion, their patronage of a candidate would ruin him.  I believe that nothing has so much contributed to Louis Napoleon’s popularity with the ouvriers as his quarrel with the Pope.  You may infer the feelings of the lower classes in Paris from his cousin’s conduct.’

‘I study Prince Napoleon,’ said Ampere, ’with interest, for I believe that he will be the successor.’

‘If Louis Napoleon,’ I said, ’were to be shot tomorrow, would not the little prince be proclaimed?’

‘Probably,’ said Ampere, ’but with Jerome for regent, and I doubt whether the regency would end by the little Napoleon IV. assuming the sceptre.

’Louis Napoleon himself does not expect it.  He often says that, in France, it is more than two hundred years since a sovereign has been succeeded by his son.

‘On the whole,’ continued Ampere, ’I had rather have Jerome than Louis Napoleon.  He has more talent and less prudence.  He would bring on the crisis sooner.

‘On the 31st of October, 1849,’ said Madame de Tocqueville, ’I was in Louis Napoleon’s company, and he mentioned some matter on which he wished to know my husband’s opinion.  I could not give it.  “It does not much signify,” he answered, “for as I see M. de Tocqueville every day, I will talk to him about it myself.”  At that very time, the ordonnance dismissing M. de Tocqueville had been signed, and Louis Napoleon knew that he would probably never see him again.’

‘I do not,’ said Ampere, ’give up the chance of a republic.  I do not wish for one.  It must be a very bad constitutional monarchy which I should not prefer to the best republic.  My democratic illusions are gone.  France and America have dispelled them:  but it must be a very bad republic which I should not prefer to the best despotism.  A republic is like a fever, violent and frightful, but not necessarily productive of organic mischief.  A despotism is a consumption:  it degrades and weakens, and perverts all the vital functions.

’What is there now in France worth living for?  I find people proud of our Italian campaign.  Why should the French be proud that their master’s soldiers have been successful in a war as to which they were not consulted; which, in fact, they disapproved, which was not made for their benefit, which was the most glaring proof of their servility and degradation?  We knew before that our troops were better than the Austrians.  What have we gained by the additional example of their superiority?

‘I fear,’ I said, ’that a republic, at least such a republic as you are likely to have, would begin by some gross economical enormities—­by the droit au travail, by the impot progressif sur la fortune presumtee, by a paper currency made a legal tender without limitation of its amount.’