our near neighbour in the most important of her colonial possessions, to receive us with equal and even-handed justice, if not with the sympathy which our unity of interest and policy, with regard to an important social and industrial institution, are so well calculated to inspire.  A rule which would exclude our prizes from her ports during the war, although it should be applied in terms equally to the enemy, would not, I respectfully suggest, be an equitable or just rule.  The basis of such a rule, as, indeed, of all the conduct of a neutral during war, is equal and impartial justice to all the belligerents; and this should be a substantial and practical justice, and not exist in delusive or deceptive terms merely.  Now, a little reflection will, I think, show your Excellency that the rule in question cannot be applied in the present war without operating with great injustice to the Confederate States.  It is well known to your Excellency that the United States being a manufacturing and commercial people, whilst the Confederate States have been thus far almost wholly an agricultural and planting people, the former had within their limits and control almost the whole naval force of the old Government, and that they have seized and appropriated this force to themselves, regardless of the just claims of the Confederates States to a portion, and a large portion of it, as tax-payers out of whose contributions it was created.  The United States are thus enabled to blockade all the important ports of the Confederate States.  In this condition of things, observe the practical working of the rule which I am discussing.

It must be admitted that we have equal belligerent rights with the enemy.

One of the most important of these rights in a war against a commercial people, is that which I have just exercised, of capturing his property upon the high seas.  But how are the Confederate States to enjoy to its full extent the benefit of this right, if their cruisers are not permitted to enter neutral ports with their prizes, and retain them there in safe custody until they can he condemned and disposed of?

They cannot send them to their own ports for the reasons already stated.  Except for the purpose of destruction, therefore, their right of capture would be entirely defeated by the adoption of the rule in question, whilst the enemy would suffer no inconvenience from it, as all his ports are open to him.  I take it for granted that Spain will not think of acting upon so unjust and unequal a rule.

But another question arises, indeed has already arisen, in the cases of some of the very captures which I have brought into port.  The cargoes of several of the vessels are claimed, as appears by certificates found among the papers, as Spanish property.

This fact cannot of course be verified, except by a judicial proceeding in the Prize Courts of the Confederate States.