with France. (This is of all the more importance at the present day, when the Nationalists state that their principles are the same as those of Wolfe Tone.) Secondly, during a war, Ireland might refuse supplies to England.  This course was actually hinted at by Grattan.  Thirdly, she might provoke a commercial war of rates with England.  This course was proposed in the Irish House of Commons in 1784.  Fourthly, she might put pressure on the Sovereign to declare war against a country with which England was at peace.  This also was proposed in the Irish House, in the case of Portugal.  Fifthly, she might differ from England in any international question in reference to the connection between them, as she did in the Regency question.  Sixthly, she might refuse—­as she did—­to make a commercial treaty with Great Britain; and thus keep open the most fertile sources of mutual jealousies and discontent.  Grattan’s best friends had urged upon him in vain that refusing to assent to a commercial treaty made the permanent government by two independent legislatures impossible, and would bring about separation; he refused to be guided by their advice, and at that time he still had supreme power in the House.  It is remarkable that even at a later date, whilst vehemently opposing the Union, he took a delight in pointing out how many ways there were in which an Irish Parliament might injure England; seeming not to realize that he was supplying a forcible argument in favour of the measure he was opposing.

The dangers of the situation were summed up by Pitt in a few words:—­“A party in England may give to the Throne one species of advice by its Parliament.  A party in Ireland may advise directly opposite upon the most essential points that involve the safety of both; upon alliance with a foreign power, for instance; upon the army; upon the navy; upon any branch of the public service; upon trade; upon commerce; or upon any point essential to the Empire at large.”  And long afterwards Sir Robert Peel pointed out that within the short period of six years from the establishment of what is called the independence of the Irish Parliament—­from 1782 to 1788—­the foreign relations of the two countries, the commercial intercourse of the two countries, the sovereign exercise of authority in the two countries, were the subjects of litigation and dispute; and it was more owing to accident than to any other cause that they did not produce actual alienation and rupture.

The idea of a Union was first brought before Parliament by the Lord Lieutenant (Lord Cornwallis) in his speech at the opening of the Session in January 1799.  It appeared at first that a majority of the Peers were in favour of the proposal, but a small majority of the House of Commons hostile—­some to the scheme altogether, others to its being brought forward at that time.  This small majority, however, rapidly diminished; and before many weeks had passed, the Government possessed a majority in both Houses.