The harshness of the Penal Laws was steadily being relaxed.  All restrictions on worship, or the number of clergy allowed, had long since fallen into abeyance.  Roman Catholic students were admitted into Trinity College, Dublin; and the authorities of the University expressed their readiness to appoint a Divinity Professor of their own faith for them if they wished it.  The restrictions on property were becoming obsolete; and political restrictions were not felt so keenly since most of the Roman Catholics would have been ineligible for the franchise on the ground of their poverty even if the stumbling block of religion had been removed.  And the loyal sentiments expressed by the Roman Catholics made the best of the Protestants all the more anxious to repeal the laws which they had never regarded with favour.  Then amongst educated people not only in Ireland but elsewhere, religion was ceasing to be the great line of cleavage; other matters—­political, social, and commercial—­were occupying men’s thoughts and forming new combinations.

The political state of the country was peculiar.  The real government was carried on by the Lord Lieutenant and his officials; but as the hereditary revenue did not supply funds sufficient for that purpose, it was necessary to have recourse to Parliament.  And the constitution of that Parliament was as extraordinary as most things in Ireland.  A session was usually held every second year, but a Parliament might last for a whole reign.  The House of Commons consisted of 300 members, of whom only 64 represented counties, and most of the rest nominally sat for small boroughs, but really were appointed by certain individuals.  It was at one time computed that 124 members were nominated by 53 peers, whilst 91 others were chosen by 52 commoners.  A large number of the members—­a third of the whole house, it is said—­were in receipt of pensions, or held offices of profit under the Crown.  Of course there was no such thing as party government—­in fact, parties did not exist, though individuals might sometimes vote against the wish of the government.  The Lord Lieutenant, however, managed to retain a majority by what would now be called flagrant and wholesale bribery.  Peerages, sinecures and pensions were bestowed with a lavish hand; and every appointment, ecclesiastical or civil, was treated as a reward for political services.  But history affords many instances of how assemblies constituted in what seems to be the most unsatisfactory way possible, have been remarkable for the ability and patriotism they have shown; and certainly this was the case with that unrepresentative collection of Protestant landlords, Dublin barristers, and paid officials, who composed the Irish Parliament.  A “National” party arose (I shall presently explain what was the meaning attached to that word at the time) who strove to win for Ireland the laws which in England had been enacted long before and which were regarded as the very foundations of British liberty.  Statutes were passed limiting the duration of Parliament to eight years; establishing the Habeas Corpus; and making judges irremoveable.  Afterwards, most of the Penal Laws were repealed; and at the same time the disabilities of the Protestant Dissenters were abolished.