was struck with stones whilst he was endeavouring to get some of the children to a place of safety.  No Nationalist has ever expressed the slightest regret at the occurrence.  Several of the aggressors were tried at the Winter Assizes and sentenced to three months’ imprisonment.  Before the end of the term they were released by order of the Government.  Mr. Birrell, in justifying his action, said that the judge had remarked that there was no evidence before him of actual injury.  This, like many of his statements, was literally true; but he omitted to mention that he had prevented the evidence from being given; the injured women and children were quite ready to give their testimony, but were not called by the counsel for the crown.

It is unnecessary to say that this foretaste of Home Rule government has made the Presbyterians of Ulster more determined than ever to resist it to the bitter end.

I shall next proceed to consider the Bill which the Government have introduced as a panacea for the woes of Ireland.

CHAPTER XIV.

CRITICISM OF THE BILL NOW BEFORE THE COUNTRY.

That the maintenance of the Union is possible, and that complete separation is possible, are two indisputable facts.  But the question is, was Wolfe Tone right when he said that these were the only two possibilities; or is there a third one, and if so, what?

Residents in the Dominions will naturally be inclined to reply “Yes; place Ireland in the position of a colony possessing responsible government, such as New Zealand.”  It is a taking idea; but a little reflection will show the falseness of the analogy.  The relations between the Mother Country and the self-governing colonies (now often called “Dominions”) have grown up of themselves; and, like most political conditions which have so come about, are theoretically illogical but practically convenient.  The practical convenience arises partly from the friendly spirit which animates both parties, but still more from the nature of the case.  The distance which separates the Mother Country from the Dominions causes the anomalies to be scarcely perceptible.  In theory the Sovereign, acting on the advice of British Ministers, can disallow any colonial statute, and the British Parliament is supreme—­it can pass laws that will bind the colonies, even laws imposing taxes.  But we all know that if the Home Government were persistently to veto laws passed by the large majority of the people in New Zealand, or the British Parliament were to attempt to legislate for the colonies, relations would at once become strained, and separation would be inevitable.  The only important matters on which the Home Government attempts to bind the colonies are those relating to foreign countries (which are necessarily of an Imperial nature) and those as to which the colonies themselves wish to have an Act passed, such as the Act establishing Australian