then it is necessary your subjects be disarmed, all
but such as appeared for you in the conquest, and
they are to be mollified by degrees and brought into
such a condition of laziness and effeminacy that in
time your whole strength may devolve upon your own
natural militia.” We think of the Arms
Acts and our weakened people. But while one-half
is disarmed and the other half bribed, with neither
need the conqueror keep faith. We read:
“A prince who is wise and prudent cannot, or
ought not, to keep his parole, when the keeping of
it is to his prejudice and the causes for which he
promised removed.” This is made very clear
to prevent any mistake. “It is of great
consequence to disguise your inclination and play
the hypocrite well.” We think of the Broken
Treaty and countless other breaches of faith.
It is, of course, well to seem honourable, but Machiavelli
cautions: “It is honourable to seem mild,
and merciful, and courteous, and religious, and sincere,
and indeed to be so, provided your mind be so rectified
and prepared, that you can act quite contrary upon
occasion.” Should anyone hesitate at all
this let him hear: “He is not to concern
himself if run under the infamy of those vices, without
which his dominion was not to be preserved.”
Thus far the philosophy of Machiavelli. The Imperialist
out to “civilise the barbarians” is, of
course, shocked by such wickedness; but we are beginning
to open our eyes to the wickedness and hypocrisy of
both. To us this book reads as if a shrewd observer
of the English Occupation in Ireland had noted the
attending features and based these principles thereon.
We have reason to be grateful to Machiavelli for his
exposition. His advice to the prince, in effect,
lays bare the marauders of his age and helps us to
expose the Empire in our own.
III
There is a lesson to be learnt from the fact that
this book of Machiavelli’s, written four centuries
ago in Italy, is so apt here to-day. We must
take this exposition as the creed of Empire and have
no truck with the Empire. It may be argued that
the old arts will be no longer practised on us.
Let the new supporters of the Empire know that by
the new alliance they should practise these arts on
other people, which would be infamy. We are not
going to hold other people down; we are going to encourage
them to stand up. If it means a further fight
we have plenty of stimulus still. Our oppression
has been doubly bitter for having been mean.
The tyranny of a strong mind makes us rage, but the
tyranny of a mean one is altogether insufferable.
The cruelty of a Cromwell can be forgotten more easily
than the cant of a Macaulay. When we read certain
lines we go into a blaze, and that fire will burn till
it has burnt every opposition out. In his essay
on Milton, Macaulay having written much bombast on
the English Revolution, introduces this characteristic
sentiment: “One part of the Empire there