so bad as I am painted. His attack upon me, moreover,
if he will stop to reflect, is largely directed not
against me personally, or against that part of my
activities in which I possess freedom of action, no—it
is directed primarily against the constitution of the
German empire. The constitution of the German
empire knows no other responsible officer but the
chancellor. I might assert that my constitutional
responsibility does not go nearly so far as the one
actually placed upon me; and I might take things a
little easier and say: “I have nothing
to do with the home policies of the empire, for I
am only the emperor’s executive officer.”
But I will not do this. From the beginning I
have assumed the responsibility, and also the obligation,
of defending the decisions of the Bundesrat, provided
I can reconcile them with my responsibility, even
if I find myself there in the minority. This
responsibility I will take as public opinion understands
it. Nobody, however, can be held responsible for
acts and resolves not his own. No responsibility
can be foisted on anybody—nor did the imperial
constitution intend to do this—for acts
which do not depend on his own free will, and into
which he can be forced. The responsible person,
therefore, must enjoy complete independence and freedom
within the sphere of his responsibility. If he
does not, all responsibility ceases; and
I
do not know on whose shoulders it will rest—so
far as the empire is concerned it has disappeared completely.
As long, therefore, as Mr. Richter does not change
the constitution, you yourselves must insist on having
a chancellor who is absolutely free and independent
in his decisions, for no man can hold him responsible
for those things which he is unable to decide for himself,
freely and independently. Mr. Richter has expressed
the wish of limiting in several directions this constitutional
independence of the chancellor. In the first
place, in one direction where it is already limited
and where he wishes to have it disappear entirely.
This concerns his responsibility for those acts in
our political life which the constitution assigns
to the emperor in connection with the decisions of
the Bundesrat and the Reichstag. There can be
no doubt that these acts include also those which
have to be performed, as the constitution says, in
the name of the emperor; the submission, for instance,
to the Reichstag of a resolve of the Bundesrat.
Mr. Richter has correctly quoted an incident, mentioned
in the North German Gazette, concerning the
resolves on some collected cases of accidents, which
I considered it incompatible with my responsibility
to submit to you in the name of the emperor. I,
therefore, did not do it. One may well ask:
What has the constitutional law to say on this point?
Was I justified in not acting? Was the emperor
justified in not acting! Or was His Majesty the
Emperor bound by the constitution to submit to you
the resolve of the Bundesrat?